Did pandemic restrictions affect Asian students’ degree results?
Experts suggest lack of in-person contact may have led to drop in performance
By Nadeem BadshahFeb 01, 2024
THE number of students of Asian origin who achieved a first-class degree in the UK has fallen for the first time, new figures show.
The percentage getting top honours was 27.5 per cent in 2021-2022 compared to 33.3 per cent the previous year, with experts highlighting the devastating impact the pandemic has had on university education in general.
According to the data, the proportion of British Asian undergraduates getting a first class had previously increased every year since the statistics were first collected in 2014-2015.
Omar Khan
The number of Asian origin students getting lower second class or third-class honours increased in 2021-22 to 25.2 per cent compared to 20 per cent the previous year, the Higher Education Statistics Agency figures showed.
Dr Jagveer Singh, lead coordinator at the British Organisation of Sikh Students (BOSS), spoke at length to Eastern Eye about the organisation’s experiences with Sikh students.
He said, “People of colour, including those who identify with the Sikh and Punjabi faith communities, have been found through various studies to have been disproportionately affected by the effects of the pandemic and, in particular, the ill health caused by Covid-19.
“The (pandemic) restrictions were also keenly felt, due to being isolated from the strong social and family networks that students of Asian origin are used to - which exacerbated the situation.
“All these effects have caused all sorts of physical, academic, and mental wellbeing issues for Sikh students, which have often been left unnoticed and untreated.
“Government and university initiatives have not been effective at addressing these issues in minority communities. Thus, it’s not surprising that their academic performance has been affected to a greater degree than the other students.”
The figures, published in December, also showed that before the Covid pandemic, the percentage of Asian origin students who achieved first-class honours soared from 22.8 per cent in 2018- 2019 to 30.3 per cent the following year.
Around 36.1 per cent of white students got a first-class degree in 2021-2022, while the figure for black students was 17.3 per cent.
Omar Khan is chief executive officer at the Centre for Transforming Access and Student Outcomes In Higher Education (TASO) thinktank.
He said it is well documented that Covid-19 had a disproportionate impact on disadvantaged and minority groups. Khan told Eastern Eye: “However, the ethnicity degree awarding gap in British higher education is longstanding, with black and Asian undergraduate students less likely to get a first or 2:1 qualification than their white peers.
“In 2021-2022, all ethnic groups saw a drop in the proportion of first and 2:1s being awarded, but the gap hasn’t really changed – before, during or after the pandemic.
“We also know the gap can’t be explained by students’ prior performance in school.
He saied, “Over the years, the sector has developed various strategies to address the gap, which TASO is supporting universities to evaluate better.
“If there is one positive to come out of the pandemic, let it be the sharpened focus it has placed on existing inequalities in our education system and a renewed push towards eliminating them.”
In March 2020, university and college campuses were closed in response to the pandemic, with teaching moving online.
Undergraduates began to return to campuses for face-to-face learning in March 2021, with other students allowed to return two months later.
Jannat Ali, from London, said many of her family and friends who were in university during the pandemic struggled with completing assignments as well as taking exams.
She said, “The hybrid way of learning made it harder for them to ask questions and also to receive adequate support from teachers.
“It was harder being at home and trying to focus when there are so many distractions and no motivation. This was reflected in the grades they received and they didn’t achieve their potential and were disappointed in the circumstances.
Ali added that, “My niece was in her final year at university and was disappointed she didn’t receive better grades.
She said it was harder getting hold of teachers and she’d have to wait longer to receive replies.
“There was a lot of going back and forth by email. She was less motivated sitting at home and felt it would’ve helped her a lot more if she was physically present at the lectures.”
Separate research by the charity, Student Minds, found that 74 per cent of students reported that Covid-19 had a negative impact on their mental health and wellbeing at university.
Two-thirds of respondents said they had “often felt isolated or lonely since March 2020”.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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