HE IS among Britain’s best known contemporary performing artists, but in a new documentary Akram Khan, who describes himself simply as a dancer and choreographer, explores his Bangladeshi roots and the future of curry houses of east London’s Brick Lane.
By his own admission, he “bolted” from a career in the restaurant industry or from following in his immigrant parents’ footsteps as he had deeply unpleasant and “traumatising” experiences growing up in a curry house in south London.
Over the past two decades, Khan has established himself with works such as Desh, Xenos and Until the Lions. He has also featuring in the 2012 London Olympics, yet an hour-long, Channel 4 documentary titled The Curry House Kid appears to be his most personal and revealing yet.
Broadcast on Monday (29) and available on All4, the film traces the history of early immigrants from Bangladesh, who fled a violent conflict in south Asia, arriving in the UK and setting up curry houses as they sought a new life in Britain.
“I really learnt from meeting these individuals,” Khan said after a preview screening in London last month. “I knew of my parents’ sacrifice, but unfortunately there is this certain sense of entitlement. I grew up in a house (although one shared by chefs and wait staff working for his parents). I didn’t live through a war. My parents had just experienced a war and they had lost families. And I hadn’t had that history.”
In showing the curry house owners’ histories, Khan also looked back on his relationship with his father, fraught as it was, against the background of the racism experienced by that generation; and his determined efforts to escape that path and seek out freedom in dance.
He described those years as “very traumatic”.
“I was terrified of working in the restaurant from those (racist) incidents. But then I also felt I needed to be there for my dad. It was hard to experience that kind of racism and not be able to respond. You just have to digest it. My father was the owner. He would say, ‘Be quiet, otherwise they will leave and we need the money.’”
During filming, Khan spent time at a curry house in Brick Lane, and it brought back memories of drunk, abusive white customers who would stagger in shortly before midnight for a meal, struggle to keep the food down and go on to pick a fight with the curry house owners.
“And then the police would arrive, always an hour late, and they would accuse you. The people who have abused us would be walking away, and the police wouldn’t arrest them. They would ask, ‘what did you do to them?’” Khan recalled. In the film, he reveals how those regular occurrences left him upset.
“We had to serve them and absorb all the shit; that made me feel vulnerable. I had a beer glass smashed over my head; we were called ‘P**i’. Yet, we had to be welcoming. I felt like a servant.”
Struggling to see a future for himself in the family business while juggling being a good Bangladeshi boy and fitting in as a Briton, Khan took to dance and dreamed of a career in the arts.
He was encouraged by his mother, whose pride in her son’s many achievements is clearly evident in the documentary.
For the second generation of immigrants who were born in the UK and feel as much British as they do Asian, it should not come as a surprise to anyone that they have sought to forge their own future away from those of their forefathers.
A visit to Mulberry School for Girls in east London introduces Khan to a younger, more confident generation, who, unlike him, are not afraid to break free from tradition.
“Dance does the things that you cannot speak about,” one of them tells Khan, and it strikes a chord with him.
He said it especially resonated as he realised what dance meant to him.
“I put my mom on a pedestal, because she was the one who gave me hope. But my father questioned me, he questioned why I was doing it. Perhaps I wouldn’t have questioned it, it would have taken it for granted. That revealed to me that I wanted it.
“My father was asking me, ‘Is it worth it, why are you doing it?’”
In the concluding moments of The Curry House Kid, there is a moving scene between Khan and his father as they recall tension-filled moments from working and growing up in curry houses.
Khan would try and beat the tedium by choreographing dance moves while serving customers, while his father wondered why his teenage boy could not do as he was told.
However, looking back on those years, Khan noted, “I owe it to my mum and dad. I was deeply blessed.”
“Thank you,” his father nods, quietly acknowledging how their relationship has been transformed.
Khan later revealed it took the better part of four hours while filming to get his father to admit that there were difficult years in the past.
“For him to admit in public that it must have been difficult for me… He has said to me that to the outside world, you will never show that you are vulnerable,” he said. “We avoid talking about difficult situations.”
Khan’s set piece that features at the end of the documentary was inspired by Christ’s Last Supper.
He revealed how an interpretation by an Australian artist of the original Leonardo da Vinci’s classic became the starting point for his new work.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
By clicking the 'Subscribe’, you agree to receive our newsletter, marketing communications and industry
partners/sponsors sharing promotional product information via email and print communication from Garavi Gujarat
Publications Ltd and subsidiaries. You have the right to withdraw your consent at any time by clicking the
unsubscribe link in our emails. We will use your email address to personalize our communications and send you
relevant offers. Your data will be stored up to 30 days after unsubscribing.
Contact us at data@amg.biz to see how we manage and store your data.