THE best thing that happened to Vaibhav Suryavanshi is that he was out for 0 in the innings that followed his sensational 35-ball century in the Indian Premier League (IPL).
Batting for Rajasthan Royals against Gujarat Titans last week, the 14-year-old took down some of the world’s best bowlers in a 38-ball innings that included 11 sixes and seven fours.
In his very next innings, he was out for a two-ball duck against Mumbai Indians. Then he got 4 against Kolkata Knight Riders.
Such is cricket, the great leveller.
Rajasthan’s bowling coach, Shane Bond, revealed that the team management was being cautious with the teenage talent.
“The coaching staff haven’t tried to complicate things too much with Vaibhav. He’s sort of got a bit of a licence to go out and just play. He’s done an amazing job so far, really, for a 14-year-old. He missed out in the last game, but you don’t really want to panic with someone so young,” Bond said at a prematch press conference.
“I know Vikram (Rathour) talks about his game plans and the type of bowlers that he’s going to come up against and he’ll do that again. But outside of that, he’s a pretty young kid, so I’m happy for him to get out there and keep swinging.”
Bond emphasised the importance of patience when nurturing a player so young.
“He’s obviously a seriously talented player, but he’s also still a kid. So, he’s sort of learning on the go, we’re going to be really patient with him because you have to be. And the other part of it is just all the off-field stuff, the travel, you can’t expect a 14-year-old to be a professional. I’ve got a 16-year-old son. He’s (Suryavanshi) a teenager, so we’re just trying to educate him on the things around and look after him, shield him a little bit from the social media stuff and all the trappings that come with the way he started, but he’s a lovely kid.”
Nigel Farage
Reuters
Born in Samastipur, a small district in the state of Bihar, he quickly showed promise. His father, Sanjeev Suryavanshi, himself a clublevel cricketer, saw a spark in his son. But there were no proper academies in the district, so he started training at home from the age of five.
Failure might help the boy to mature. I remember interviewing Sachin Tendulkar in Mumbai when he was 16, but the sports editor of the Sunday Times – the paper for which I then worked – wouldn’t carry the piece “because we are a national newspaper and we don’t publish stories about little schoolboys”.
All that changed, of course, when Sachin hit his first Test century against England at the age of 17. He went on to make 100 international hundreds – he scored 15,921 runs in Tests, with 51 centuries; and 18,426 runs in ODIs with 49 tons.
Sachin went into cricket because he loved the game. What has changed is that fathers now push their sons (and sometimes daughters, too) into cricket as a way to make the family fortune. Ads featuring cricketers are ubiquitous. It seems like they are more businessmen who also play cricket.
In a curious way, Reform’s success in the local government elections – it triumphed in the Runcorn and Helsby byelection by just six votes and also won 677 council seats – may, in hindsight, prove to be the worst thing to have happened politically to the party’s leader, Nigel Farage.
It’s one thing to make promises in opposition, quite another to be exposed as being ineffective in government. The economic and many other problems that Britain has, including the people who arrive by boat, defy easy solutions. Migrants, legal and illegal, find it easy to get work which local people are no longer willing to do. Farage is trying to ape Donald Trump in America, but he hasn’t said how he is going to encourage the unwilling back to work.
The rise of Reform does pose a dilemma for British Asian voters, especially British Indians, who are seeking a political home. There are some Conservative politicians who say the party should move to the right and form an alliance with Reform. But the Tories cannot win a general election by abandoning the centre ground of British politics.
The prime minister, Sir Keir Starmer, it has been suggested by some commentators, might also move to the right to meet the challenge of Reform. He is apparently considering a reshuffle to give his cabinet a fresh look. Of course, he won’t do what is necessary – move Rachel Reeves.
It is useless for anyone to pretend the chancellor has been a success. Far from raising money for state school teachers, her VAT raid on the private sector has been counterproductive. Every few days a private school closes.
Governors at St Anselm’s prep school near Bakewell in Derbyshire, in the heart of the Peak District – it was founded in 1888 have concluded it is unsustainable in light of government tax changes and falling pupil numbers.
The prime minister won’t move the chancellor, because that would undermine his own credibility. It would have been better if the British electorate had voted in a Labour government, but not with a landslide majority.
HERE’S a list of Asian women politicians who have got into trouble in recent years for one reason or another – Rushanara Ali, Tulip Siddiq, Suella Braverman, Priti Patel, Baroness Pola Uddin and Rupa Huq.
Is it that they are held to higher standards than others? Or do some allow their greed to get the better of themselves, especially when it comes to expenses?
If there is a lesson, it is that Asian women going into politics have to be like Caesar’s wife. The Latin version is sometimes loosely quoted as Uxorem Caesaris tam suspicione quam crimine carere oportet. The phrase originates from an incident involving Julius Caesar and his wife, Pompeia. When allegations of an affair arose, even though Caesar claimed to know nothing of any wrongdoing, he divorced Pompeia, stating, “Caesar’s wife must be above suspicion.” The idiom is used to highlight that those in positions of public trust must be beyond reproach and that their actions, and even the perception of their actions, can have significant consequences.
Rushanara Ali
Rushanara Ali resigned last Thursday (7) as parliamentary under-secretary of state for homelessness and rough sleeping after being “accused of hypocrisy over the way she handled rent increases on a house she owns in east London”. Laura Jackson, one of her former tenants, said she and three others collectively paid £3,300 in rent. Weeks after she and her fellow tenants had left – apparently because the property was going to be sold – “the self-employed restaurant owner said she saw the house re-listed with a rent of around £4,000”.
Rushanara, born in Sylhet on March 14, 1975, and PPE graduate from St John’s College, Oxford, has been a Labour MP since 2010, first for Bethnal Green and Bow, and then, after boundary changes in 2024, for Bethnal Green and Stepney.
Suella Braverman
Her career is damaged as is that of Bangladeshiorigin Tulip Siddiq, who resigned on January 14, 2025, as economic secretary to the treasury. She was targeted by the regime in Dhaka after her aunt, Sheikh Hasina Wazed, the country’s prime minister, had to flee to India. Much of the mud thrown at Tulip is probably concocted. What was harder to understand was the way she either owned or rented various properties in London. She remains MP for Hampstead and Highgate where she was successor to the late Glenda Jackson, the double Oscar winning actress. The prime minister’s standards adviser, Sir Laurie Magnus, said he had “not identified evidence of improprieties” but it was “regrettable” that Tulip had not been more alert to the “potential reputational risks” of the ties to her aunt. It has to be said the new lot in Dhaka are not an improvement on Hasina.
Baroness Pola Uddin
Goan-origin Sue-Ellen Cassiana (“Suella”) Braverman (née Fernandes) has the distinction of twice having to quit as home secretary. She resigned as home secretary on October 19, 2022, from Liz Truss’s cabinet “following public claims that she had broken the ministerial code by sending a cabinet document using her personal email address. Six days later, she was reinstated as home secretary by Truss’s successor, Rishi Sunak. She was dismissed from her post by Sunak in the November 2023 British cabinet reshuffle.” She then sought vengeance by doing her best to bring down the Sunak government. She will probably join Reform if Nigel Farage promises her the job of home secretary should he win the next election.
Priti Patel resigned as international development secretary on November 8, 2017, amid controversy over her unauthorised meetings with Israeli officials. She was ordered back from an official trip in Africa by Theresa May, then prime minister, and summoned to Downing Street over the row. In her resignation letter, Priti acknowledged her actions “fell below the standards of transparency and openness that I have promoted and advocated”. Priti, born in the UK of Gujarati parents who came from Uganda, has undergone reincarnation as shadow foreign secretary under Kemi Badenoch. One of the Israelis she met in 2017 happened to be Benjamin Netanyahu, now prime minister. Priti is also a strong supporter of Narendra Modi.
Priti Patel
Another Bangladeshi, Baroness Pola Uddin, was suspended in October 2010 following the findings of the parliamentary expenses committee. They found that from 2005 to 2010, Pola, then with Labour, named a flat in Kent as her main residence while living in a housing association property in Wapping. She returned to the Lords in May 2012 after repaying £125,349, the “largest amount of the United Kingdom parliamentary expenses scandal”.
In May 2023, Rupa Huq, Labour MP for Ealing Central and Acton since 2015, was stripped of the party whip after disparaging Ghanaian-origin Kwasi Kwarteng, chancellor under Truss: “He’s superficially, he’s, a black man but again he’s got more in common... he went to Eton, he went to a very expensive prep school, all the way through top schools in the country. If you hear him on the Today programme you wouldn’t know he’s black.”
Rupa and her TV presenter young sister, Konnie – both went to Cambridge University – were born in Britain of parents who came from East Pakistan (Bangladesh after 1971) in 1962.Rupa had her whip restored after five months, apologised for her remarks and indicated she did penance by undertaking “anti-racism and bias training”.
Asian women are to be commended for having the courage to go into politics but they should realise people look up to them as role models. Views in this column do not necessarily reflect those of the newspaper.
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The Cross of Sacrifice and outline of the tennis court at the Commonwealth War Graves Commission cemetery in Kohima
AS THE King and prime minister lead the 80th anniversary commemorations of VJ Day on Friday (15), this may be the last poignant major wartime anniversary where the last few who fought that war can be present.
Everybody knows we won the second world war against Hitler. But how many could confidently explain the complex jigsaw across different theatres of the wider global conflict? The anniversary is a chance too for the rest of us to learn a little more about a history that most people wish they knew better.
Those three short months from May to August between VE Day and VJ Day in 1945 reshaped our modern world. The Potsdam conference rewrote the map of Europe. Britain’s voters dismissed Churchill with a Labour landslide. Atom bombs were dropped, killing 70,000 people instantly in Hiroshima. Historians still debate whether it was a terrible crime or a defensible choice to avoid a land invasion of Japan. Yet the second bomb on Nagasaki, killing 50,000 more, is harder to try to rationalise in utilitarian terms. The shadow of the mushroom clouds add to the solemnity of the VJ Day commemoration. Eight decades on, the focus is on commemorating service and mourning all who suffered from war and dictatorship.
The vast Commonwealth contribution to the war in the east will be one focus of the 80th anniversary commemorations. General Slim’s Fourteenth Army has been called the “forgotten army” which won a “forgotten war” in Burma. It was an enormous multi-national force. Old war movies of the Burma campaign rarely reflected that only a tenth of its soldiers were from Britain, with nine-tenths from India or Africa.
The Indian Army of the second world was the largest volunteer army in history, growing from 195,000 men in 1939 to 2.5 million by 1945, its fledgling air force expanding a hundred-fold from 285 men to 29,000.
The battle of Kohima in May and June 1944 was the turning point of the war in the East. It blocked the Japanese invasion of India from advancing to seize Dimapur, while creating the route into Burma. Kohima even won a surprise victory over D-Day as Britain’s greatest battle at a National Army Museum event a decade ago. The audience found historian Robert Lyman’s argument persuasive that “great things were at stake in a war with the toughest enemy any British army has had to fight”.
It sounds strange, to our modern ears, that Indian soldiers would volunteer for the army of the British imperial power. Yet, the British Indian army’s successful defence of Kohima illustrates why many Indian officers saw the Japanese regime as the more imminent existential threat than a faraway Hitler. So the Indian Army outnumbered – by a 50:1 ratio – the 43,000 rebels who heeded Subhas Chandas Bose’s effort to raise a rebel army for the Germans and Japanese. Indian soldiers won 22 of the 34 Victoria and George Crosses of the Burma campaign. Commonwealth service was honoured despite and alongside the Empire’s entrenched racial hierarchies. General Sir Claude Auchinleck, commander-in-chief of the Indian Army, said in 1945 that ‘every Indian officer worth his salt today is a nationalist’. Their crucial role in defeating Japan was one final proof that India was as ready for self-government as Canada or Australia.
And ,the plaque honouring those who fought in the Battle of Kohima
On the second anniversary of VJ Day, Jawaharlal Nehru was already declaring India’s independence. The speed with which the British finally quit India left veterans forming the new armies of India and Pakistan struggling to mitigate the bloody tragedy of Partition.
So this shared endeavour in defeating Japan is a crucial bridge in the arc of both British and Indian history, but rarely recognised in either country’s national narrative in the decades after 1945.
As the world wars slip beyond living memory, many anticipate that the meanings of 1945 will fade. Yet we should be ever more proactive – between now and the 2039-2045 centenary of the second world war – in ensuring everybody understands its foundational part in our national story.
It matters that the next generation understand that the armies that fought and won two world wars resemble the Britain of 2025 much more than that of 1945 or 1915 in their ethnic and faith demographics. The scale of the Hindu, Sikh and Muslim contribution to the Commonwealth effort, and joining the dots between wartime service and the post-war arrival of the Windrush are keys to understanding the making of modern Britain. British Future, Eastern Eye and the Royal British Legion will launch an exciting new project this autumn to honour and raise awareness of south Asian service in the world wars.
Let us never duck the controversies of the complex and contested history of empire. But understanding how it shaped the society that we are today should include recognising all of those who contributed to protecting the democratic freedoms that we share today.
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
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Demonstrators from Stand Up To Racism challenge a far-right march calling for mass deportations in Manchester last Saturday (2)
SIX days of violent rage last summer finally ended after a call for a racist pogrom where nobody came. That week showed how much small groups of people could shift national narratives.
The violence which flashed across thirty locations saw fewer than 5,000 rioters nationwide. Hundreds came out for clean-up campaigns, sending a different message about what their towns stood for.
The online list hoping to incite violence targeting forty migration centres and law firms was a violent fantasy – yet the fear and panic it generated were real. Around 15,000 people went out to show practical solidarity. But millions more were glad that they did. For one day, the front-pages of the right-wing Daily Mail – “The Night Anti-Hate Marchers Faced Down the Thugs” – and the left-wing Daily Mirror were hard to tell apart.
That brief outbreak of unity feels like a distant memory now. Asylum dominates politics again. The police must contain those seeking to intimidate asylum seekers by facilitating only lawful protests. The anniversary of the counter-protests is marked too by a “Welcome Weekend” to ensure those who support refugees can make their voices heard too.
British Asian views of asylum are not so different from those of the white British. The balance of pretty sympathetic, more sceptical and downright xenophobic views shifts dramatically by age, education and political perspective among Asians as it does among the broader public too. Those who see their own families reflecting the positive contribution of migration to British society can find that a distinction between legal and illegal immigration resonates. Black British views tend to be more sympathetic to asylum seekers. Sharper scepticism about the Home Office was reinforced again by the Windrush scandal.
A wide range of views about immigration numbers, its pressures and gains, and how to make integration work can be found across minority and majority groups. One useful litmus test of a legitimate argument about immigration is whether it can appeal across white, black and Asian Britons – or only speaks to one group.
Politicians constantly emphasise that they recognise ‘legitimate concerns’ about immigration – but a crucial half of the argument has gone missing this summer. Any meaningful description of which arguments and debates are legitimate in a democracy depends on rejecting arguments rooted in violence, xenophobia and racial prejudice. But how often, when a politician talks about recognising legitimate concerns in 2025, is anything said about what needs to be excluded as illegitimate too?
This anniversary of the counter-protests should be a chance to rebalance the argument. It is time to ensure that the legitimate concerns of ethnic minorities in Britain – about a concerted effort to dissolve foundational social norms against racism, and to deny our status as equal citizens – are heard too There is an attempt to mainstream the idea of ‘remigration’ – a far right code for kicking out all of the migrants and ethnic minorities too. The last three years have seen the de facto legalisation of racial abuse in online space. Elon Musk has turned Twitter/X into one of the most powerful amplifiers of racism we have ever seen. Government departments are reluctant to even review whether they should still use, as a key channel of public communication, a site which ethnic minorities can barely use without facing everyday racism from antisemites, racists and open Nazis.
New TV channels appear unwilling to draw a line between political debate and sweeping prejudice too. GB News platformed a guest essay to argue that anti-Muslim prejudice is rational not irrational - and since Islam does not “belong here”, anybody wishing to uphold that faith should leave Britain for a “Muslim country”.
Rupert Lowe is campaigning for negative net migration. He confirmed that he now wants to deport “a large share of legal and settled migrants” so net migration is negative. Yet Opposition Leader Kemi Badenoch seems to lack the authority to prevent Tory MPs joining Lowe’s Restore Britain campaign for mass deportations.
Former soldier and TV celebrity Ant Middleton, who was part of Nigel Farage’s Reform delegation to Trump’s inauguration, now proposes banning people from public office until their ancestors have been here for four generations. He would not just make Sadiq Khan and Kemi Badenoch ineligible for office - but even their children too.
These absurd racist fantasies of disenfranchising or deporting Rishi Sunak, Kemi Badenoch and Sadiq Khan will fail but they toxify the experience of public life. British-born minorities do have some birthright, nativist privilege when racist troglodytes reveal their maximalist remigration agenda. It is a bigger challenge to protect asylum seekers from dehumanising rhetoric and action. Our leaders should be able to address the legitimate concerns of minority and majority groups at once. Only those seeking to pander to illegitimate xenophobic views too should fear that it is a zero-sum game. If politicians want to be trusted, they need to address the legitimate concerns of ethnic minorities about keeping racism out of British public life.
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
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Keir Starmer and Narendra Modi at Chequers during talks on the UK–India trade agreement
THE free trade agreement (FTA), which was signed at Chequers last week, has been well received in India.
But it is worth remembering India has also entered into FTAs with several other countries and blocs. These include the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA), Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Japan, South Korea, ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), Mauritius, UAE, and Australia.
Additionally, India is currently negotiating FTAs with the US – this will be the big one – plus the European Union, another crucial one, Oman, Peru and Israel.
Politically, the FTA with the UK will not have very many consequences for the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, who will turn 75 on September 17 this year. The speculation is more about succession, though my guess is he will carry on if he wins the next election in 2029, which he might well do. But what we saw of him at Chequers indicates he is fit and agile.
In Britain, though, the story is a little different. The British prime minister, Sir Keir Starmer, stands to gain politically from the FTA, although it will take some time for it to come into force. It could be that many British Indian voters, who found the Tories – under David Cameron, Boris Johnson and Rishi Sunak – reflected their aspirations, might consider switching their allegiance to Starmer at the next general election, also in 2029.
One reason is that under Kemi Badenoch (who has boasted she blocked the FTA on the spurious migration question when she was trade secretary under Rishi) the Conservative party has been moving to the far right, with many of its MPs favouring an electoral pact with the Reform leader Nigel Farage.
Governments in London and Delhi have to be pragmatic and deal with whichever party is in power. Starmer has said that the FTA with India is the biggest such deal since Brexit. He has built on the negotiations conducted under Boris and Rishi but history will judge the deal was concluded when he was prime minister. And the UK economy could well be transformed if it rides piggy back on the India growth story.
To secure the support of more Indian origin voters and prove himself a very successful and “pragmatic” prime minister , Starmer needs to do four things – find a way of “promoting” Rachel Reeves to another job; reverse the VAT raid on private schools (it’s not working, anyway, because school after school is shutting); change the inheritance tax and non-dom rules so as to get back the Dubai Indians; and pay an official visit to India sooner rather than later. He could well win the next election providing Reeves is not his chancellor.
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Concern grows in Britain over anti-immigrant protests and the risk of renewed unrest this summer
‘I predict a riot’ sang the Kaiser Chiefs two decades ago. That has become a popular past-time this summer too.
It is exactly a year since the terrible murders of three girls in Southport triggered shock and grief nationwide - along with racist efforts to stoke violent retribution against Muslims and asylum seekers with no connection to that evil crime. Few of the conditions of last summer’s disorder have gone away, as the recent State of Us report sets out. The febrile tinderbox of social media can put events or even rumours to incendiary purposes. Yet there is a crucial difference between vigilance and alarmism – between identifying risks to mitigate them, or seeking to stoke them into reality.
Epping became a protest epicentre after an asylum seeker was charged with sexual assault. Most protesters were peaceful, expressing concerns for community safety. Some chanted to send all asylum seekers back. Others sought violence – assaulting the police for protecting asylum seekers. The protests became a Rorschach Test of parallel perceptions. Right-ofcentre commentators decried stigmatising concerned local mums as far right, while progressives noted how often the organisers speaking into the microphones were far right agitators hoping to extend ‘remigration’ to all migrants and ethnic minorities.
Claims about a nationwide surge of protest were exaggerated. Half a dozen scrappy anti-asylum protests struggled to muster a thousand people nationwide. Many were football lads, at a loose end in the close season. Fifty times as many people took to the streets for trans rights as protested asylum hotels last weekend.
But if larger protests seem less newsworthy without a sense that it might all kick off, does that mean that broadcaster’s ‘news values’ risk inadvertently incentivising disorder over democratic voice?
The idea of ‘legitimate concerns’ matters. It is a mistake to dismiss the concept as dog whistling or pandering to prejudice. Yet the key to getting that boundary right risks getting overlooked. Any contentful concept of ‘legitimate concerns’ depends on defining which are illegitimate too. Much more attention is needed, especially, to how to challenge the fusion of asylum with anti-Muslim tropes in driving both casual prejudices and those most open to being socialised towards violence.
Keir Starmer spoke articulately about both legitimate concerns and the illegitimacy of racist violence in his post-riots party c o n f e r e n c e speech. His government risked leaving out half of that argument last week. Ministers were so concerned to (rightly) defend democratic protest and criticism of asylum policy that they seemed (wrongly) mute in challenging extreme racist agitators too. An implausibly inauthentic version of Keir Starmer’s public voice can be found on his X, where somebody tweets in the prime minister’s name, invariably about asylum, as robustly as possible. ‘The problem is, it doesn’t sound like him at all,’ one usually loyal backbencher told me.
This simulacrum of the prime minister would doubtless triple down on the ‘island of strangers’ comments that the real Keir Starmer chose to retract, albeit blurring the boundaries of precisely what he would rather have said.
Home secretary Yvette Cooper maintains a more measured voice, emphasising that the government will be judged on practical outcomes, not the polarised shouting matches of protests and counter-protests. Net migration has halved from exceptional levels – but few will notice those numbers coming down while the lack of control over asylum is so visible. The number of asylum seekers in hotels has halved too – but the 30,000 who remain are much more visible than the shrinking numbers. The events of the last month should catalyse practical ideas about how to clear the asylum backlog faster and close down the use of hotels for asylum.
A new social cohesion task force is beavering away inside Downing Street to identify the missing strategy foundations, though it began too late this Spring for the government to develop a long-term policy before this anniversary. An interim update to Cabinet from deputy prime minister Angela Rayner emphasised the role of socio-economic deprivation, and the government’s commitment to invest in neighbourhoods. That is undoubtedly one important part of the jigsaw, though the centre-left does tend to persistently underestimate the role of identity and culture. The latest IpsosMori Issues Index shows the salience of immigration is pretty even across deprived and affluent areas, peaking in the second most affluent quintile: places like leafy Epping.
How Essex police handled protest and counter-protest this weekend - protecting lawful protest with no tolerance for intimidation and disruption - is a good model to maximise the chance that riotous prophecies fail.
The simple insistence that all face-masks are removed could be the key to deterring violence this summer, despite the febrile atmosphere. But avoiding riots should be nobody’s test of cohesion. A strategy to get tough on the causes of disorder remains embryonic. That it would take the sustained work of a generation is all the more reason to make a start soon.
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.