Sunak, Starmer spar over economy in first election debate
In a heated debate the two leaders battled over how to tackle the cost-of-living crisis, growing waiting lists in the public health service and reducing immigration
By Shajil KumarJun 05, 2024
PRIME Minister Rishi Sunak and Labour challenger Keir Starmer went head-to-head on Tuesday (4) over how to boost Britain's economy, with the PM accusing the opposition party of wanting to increase taxes if it wins power at a July 4 election.
Sunak said he had "a clear plan for a more secure future" while Starmer said he wanted the country's backing on July 4 to "change our country".
Both Sunak, a Conservative, and Starmer stuck to their campaign lines in their first debate just weeks before a general election opinion polls suggest Labour is set to win, with Sunak saying only he had a plan to spur Britain's paltry economic growth and Starmer portraying the Conservatives as presiding over 14 years of economic chaos.
In a heated debate - a recent feature in Britain and one which sees more voters tune into politics - the two leaders battled over how to tackle the cost-of-living crisis, growing waiting lists in the public health service and reducing immigration.
Both men were told repeatedly not to speak over each other and asked to lower their voices as they clashed over issues, but neither outlined any new plans.
Most of the questions illustrated what many voters are contending with: a cost-of-living crisis when some struggle to pay their household bills, long waits for the health service and lower standards in the education system.
"Keir Starmer is asking you to hand him a blank cheque when he hasn't said what he'll buy with it or how much it's going to cost you," Sunak said in his closing comments. "In uncertain times we simply cannot afford an uncertain prime minister."
Starmer responded saying he would never offer "the gimmicks or unfunded promises that Rishi Sunak does".
"Imagine how you would feel waking up on July 5 to five more years of the Conservatives, five more years of decline and division, the arsonists handed back the matches," he said.
"Now imagine turning the page with a Labour government that rolls up its sleeves and gets on with the job... The choice at this election is clear: more chaos with the Conservatives or the chance to rebuild Britain with a changed Labour Party."
Sunak on the attack
Sunak repeated the Conservatives' attack line that Labour had no plan for the country beyond putting "everyone's taxes up by £2,000."
"Mark my words, Labour will raise your taxes. (It) is in their DNA. Your work, your car, your pension, you name it, Labour will tax it," Sunak said.
Starmer did not deny the charge immediately, but he later called the £2,000 figure "nonsense". Labour has repeatedly said it will not raise income tax or National Insurance social security contributions if it wins power.
"My dad worked in a factory, he was a toolmaker, my mum was a nurse. We didn't have a lot of money when I was growing up," the Labour leader told an audience member who said she was struggling to pay her bills.
"So, I do know the anguish of worrying when the postman comes with a bill, what bill is it, am I going to be able to I pay it? I don’t think the prime minister quite understands."
Starmer attacked the Conservative Party for presiding over 14 years of chaos and Sunak's plans to introduce mandatory national service.
The prime minister drew groans when he blamed growing waiting lists at the National Health Service on strikes, and was greeted by laughter when he said the numbers were going down "because they were higher" before.
Immigration
But he seemed to make up some ground with the audience when discussing how he planned to tackle immigration, portraying his plan to send illegal asylum seekers to Rwanda as a deterrent the Labour Party was lacking and saying he would put the country's security above any foreign court.
Starmer said he also had a plan to tackle immigration, which has become a prominent concern among voters, and that he would consider processing asylum claims in a third country if doing so didn't breach international law.
Sunak, whose campaign has yet to reduce Labour's lead of around 20 percentage points in opinion polls, was on the attack, repeating the line that only his party had a plan, whereas voters did not know what Starmer intended to do if he won power.
Farage factor
The two-way leaders’ debate comes a day after populist Nigel Farage said he was running in the election, a major blow to Sunak with the Brexit campaigner expected to peel off the votes of many right-wing voters.
At an earlier campaign launch, Farage said he would be a thorn in the Conservatives' - and Labour's - side.
"I will be unafraid, despite what everybody says, despite what names they call me, they are so stupid it only encourages me really," he told dozens of supporters in southeastern England. "Send me to parliament to be a bloody nuisance."
Not everyone appeared to back his tub-thumping man-of-the-people rhetoric. As he emerged from a pub, he was doused in what appeared to be a banana milkshake.
A 25-year-old woman was later arrested on suspicion of assault.
Audience poll
Sunak won the first televised election debate by a wafer-thin margin, a YouGov snap poll for Sky News showed on Tuesday.
The poll showed 51 per cent thought Sunak performed better, compared to 49 per cent for his Labour Party rival Starmer. (Agencies)
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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