Indian Hindu group’s strategy to win over Muslim voters revealed
BJP-linked organisation uses university appointments to woo minorities
By Eastern EyeFeb 16, 2024
A HINDU group closely linked to Indian prime minister Narendra Modi is installing Muslims loyal to it in leadership positions at Muslim universities as part of a push to garner Muslim votes ahead of national elections, officials said.
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which Modi joined in his youth and which is the de facto parent of his political party, is trying to woo Muslim voters away from Congress and other parties that they have traditionally supported.
Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which won about nine per cent of the Muslim vote in the past two general elections, is targeting up to 17 per cent in the elections due by May. Opinion polls suggest the BJP, which has no Muslim members in parliament, will easily win a rare third straight term.
“It is for certain that the BJP will win a much bigger percentage of Muslim votes than the last time,” said senior RSS leader Indresh Kumar, chief patron of its Muslim wing, which said it is trying to win over the majority of India’s 200 million Muslims.
Modi denies religious discrimination exists in India.
The RSS campaign to put Muslim allies in top university roles, which has not previously been reported, marks a new approach to working from within the community, officials told Reuters. Despite its strongly Hindu identity, the RSS also has divisions working with Christians, Sikhs and other minority groups.
Membership in the RSS’s Muslim Rashtriya Manch, formed in 2002 for dialogue between Muslims and the RSS, has jumped to one million from 10,000 before Modi took office a decade ago, said spokesperson Shahid Sayeed.
India has more than a dozen universities catering to Muslims, established to boost a community that lags Hindus educationally, economically and socially.
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh activists
The government has long seen some universities, especially in Muslim-majority Kashmir, where India has fought an insurgency for decades, as hotbeds of Islamic activism and even sanctuaries for people hostile to India’s interests.
But now the RSS’s Kumar recommends 99 per cent of the vice-chancellors, or heads, of Muslim universities, and the government largely accepts his recommendations, Sayeed said.
In the past, these schools were “antiIndia”, disrespecting the Indian flag and not celebrating events such as Independence Day and Republic Day, but that is changing, Kumar told Reuters.
“The network among teachers is building very well, students are coming on board,” he said. “Along with studies, a sense of love for the nation in these universities is building up.”
The RSS Muslim wing, he said, seeks to create a “well-organised system to reach out to the youth and the teachers” in Muslim-majority universities such as Aligarh Muslim University, the University of Kashmir, Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti Language University, Jamia Millia Islamia, Jamia Hamdard and Maulana Azad National Urdu University.
The vice-chancellor of the University of Kashmir raised the Indian flag on Independence Day on August 15, after which the national anthem was sung, a video uploaded by the university shows. That was not always the case in the past, said a senior professor.
“Playing the national anthem is mandatory for every function now,” said the professor, who asked not to be named because of the sensitivity of the issue. “It is also ensured that all the students and staff stand up as a mark of respect.”
The universities did not respond to requests for comment.
At Aligarh Muslim University, India’s biggest Muslim university with nearly 25,000 students, the vice-chancellor from 2017 to 2023 was Tariq Mansoor, who resigned in April last year to become a BJP state lawmaker and was named a party national vice president three months later.
Many members of faculty close to the BJP or the RSS have joined the university in recent years, said Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi, a professor of mediaeval Indian history. “My vice-chancellor knows that he can continue as a vice-chancellor only if he pays obeisance to Modiji.”
Mansoor declined to comment. Modi’s office and the Ministry of Education did not respond to requests for comment.
BJP spokesperson Shazia Ilmi said there was nothing unusual in the government choosing its own nominees to head institutions. “Every government does that,” Ilmi reiterated. “Also, nationalism is a good thing and Muslims are happy with nationalism.”
But Roop Rekha Verma, a former vicechancellor of the University of Lucknow, said: “If ideology is given priority over qualifications and lots of people are placed through the back door holding the same ideology, then it is very damaging to the intellectual atmosphere.”
The opposition Congress, which governed India for most of its post-independence history, believes everyone has a right to seek votes from different groups, but it is wrong to impose any ideology, said spokesperson Pawan Khera.
“There should be a good mix of all good ideologies in educational institutions,” Khera further said. “Why are you imposing one ideology on education institutes?” (Reuters)
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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