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Britain's domestic dilemma over Israel-Palestine conflict

Keir Starmer's stance in not calling for a ceasefire is strictly of domestic significance

Britain's domestic dilemma over Israel-Palestine conflict

VERY few people in the Middle East will be familiar with Sir Keir Starmer, so whether or not the Labour leader calls for a ceasefire in Israel’s military action on Hamas in the Gaza strip is pretty much irrelevant.

Even prime minister Rishi Sunak is not really a player.


Starmer’s stance in not calling for a ceasefire is strictly of domestic significance. He seems to have upset a big part of Britain’s Muslim population, judging by callers on LBC.

There was an interesting article by Andrew Gimson on the ConservativeHome website: “British Muslims, so various that they are often misrepresented.”

He included statistics: “According to the 2021 census, 6.5 per cent of the population of England and Wales – 3,868,133 people – are Muslim, including 1,318,754 in London; 569,963 in the West Midlands; 563,105 in Northwest England; and 442,533 in Yorkshire and the Humber.

“Much the greatest number are of Pakistani origin – over 1.5 million in the 2021 census. In south Asia, Bangladesh, with 15 per cent of British Muslims and India, with eight per cent, come next.”

Muslims come from many cultural backgrounds, his article pointed out: “Muslims have also come to Britain from Cyprus, Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, Palestine, the Maghreb, Nigeria, Somalia, Afghanistan and many other places.”

He referred to eight-chapter headings in Inside British Islam, by Innes Bowen, published in 2014: “1. The Deobandis: The Market Leaders; 2. The Tablighi Jamaat: Missionaries and a Mega Mosque; 3. The Salafis: “Don’t call us Wahhabis!”; 4. The Jamaate-Islami: British Islam’s Political Class; 5. The Muslim Brotherhood: The Arab Islamist Exiles; 6.

LEAD Amit 1 INSET Keir Starmer GettyImages 1718808773 Sir Keir Starmer

The Barelwis: Sufis and Traditionalists; 7. The Shia “Twelvers”: Najaf in Brent; and 8. The Ismailis: The Dawoodi Bohras and the Followers of the Aga Khan.”

Starmer may not have anticipated the Muslim backlash, but he will be loath to call for a ceasefire that might harm his chances of becoming prime minister. Though he once supported Jeremy Corbyn, he does not want Labour to be accused of being anti-Semitic under his leadership as well.

One can sympathise with Starmer’s dilemma. He will reckon that by the time the next election comes round, Muslim anger will probably have abated. He will calculate that to a great extent, their votes can be taken for granted. Who else can they vote for?

Leaving aside the circular politics of bloodshed in the Middle East, in which Britain has little or no influence, this is a moment of truth especially for Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. Personally, I would like to see young British Asian Muslims come forward and offer to protect synagogues and Jewish schools and other establishments.

Indians, too, once voted blindly for Labour. But they were aspirational and wanted better lives for themselves and their children, a significant proportion of whom go to fee-paying schools, thanks to the enormous sacrifices made by their parents.

Incidentally, India is the only country in the world in which the Jews have always felt safe.

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Tackling hostility against Muslims matters for everyone

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Born in the mid-1970s I felt part of a lucky generation, which gained from pushing back the overt racism of that era. When we talk about stronger “social norms”, what we mean is that few people thought that monkey chants at the football or racist jokes on the telly were normal anymore – while more had Asian and black colleagues, neighbours and friends.

That past progress is put to the test today. A terrible crime in Belfast saw organised efforts at indiscriminate racist attacks on migrants and ethnic minorities, whose only connection to the crime was the colour of their skin. Those seeking to make racism fashionable again have the online megaphone of the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, on their side.

Past progress could be experienced unevenly, too. Being of mixed Indian and Irish Catholic parentage, I saw both identities rise in status once the BBC comedy Goodness Gracious Me inverted who could tell the jokes, and peace broke out in Northern Ireland. Yet, British Muslims of my generation felt under more intense scrutiny after the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

Efforts to tackle anti-Muslim hatred risked being stalled by arguments over what to call it and how to define it. The government’s new definition of anti-Muslim hostility seeks to transcend the confusion that the term “Islamophobia” could generate. But the challenge is not just to define the prejudice – but to find effective ways to shrink it.

There are sobering findings on the starting points in new research from British Future and the British Muslim Trust. More than half of British Muslims report experiencing prejudice based on their religion last year – a quarter in person and over a third online. A third of the public hold mostly negative views. One in six endorse sweeping and often indiscriminate hostility. Anti-Muslim hostility can have about twice the social reach as prejudice against other faith or ethnic minorities.

Tackling this hostility cannot be the responsibility of Muslims alone. It will take a whole-of-society effort. After all, this is foundationally about the attitudes towards a six per cent minority group, held among the 94 per cent of us who are not Muslim.

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