EVENTS to mark the 150th birth anniversary of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi have thrown up the fact he made an effort to get through to the elite class of Indians who often benefited from British rule – and hence visited Cambridge twice.
The first trip was on November 7, 1909. When he was in Britain in 1931 for the Second Round Table Conference that was discussing the future of India, he made his second visit from October 31-November 1 that year.
On November 7, 2019 – the 110th anniversary of his first visit – there was a discussion on “Gandhi, Cambridge and India” in the Bateman Auditorium at Gonville and Caius College.
Co-hosted by the Centre of South Asian Studies, the discussion was chaired by Dr Shruti Kapila (Cambridge) and included Prof Romila Thapar, the eminent historian attached to the Jawaharlal Nehru University who had come from India as had Prof Rajeev Bhargava from the Institute of Indian Thought in Delhi.
All the academics were agreed that Gandhi remains as relevant today in dealing with divisions in society as in his time.
Asked by Eastern Eye how an increasingly disunited kingdom should deal with the bitterness caused by Brexit, Prof Thapar said to much laughter: “I wouldn’t know about Brexit – that’s your problem.”
Thapar wanted more people to protest: “I think that protest is terribly important… How do we say that we don’t accept it? How do we treat the people who are supporting it?”
Earlier she noted: “Gandhi’s spectacles are everywhere in India – billboards, advertisements. I find myself getting deeply upset by this because of all the things that Gandhi did, in all the issues he stood for and fought for, surely, cleanliness and objections to open defecation are not the main things for which we remember him today. It’s upsetting it should be reduced to that.
“Let’s not forget that if there is anything that history teaches us it is that regimes that are in some way wishing to control society more and more do eventually meet up with dissenting groups. And what we are really waiting for at the moment given the huge spread of rightwing politics all over the world and politicians wanting more and more control over society is dissenting groups to come up. And say, ‘No, we don’t accept this. We will oppose it in a particular way.’ It is crucial in today’s world. We have to look for it. We have to find it, we have to discuss it. And this also relates to things like civil disobedience.”
Prof Sujit Sivasundaram, director of the Centre of South Asian Studies, drew attention to a report on Gandhi’s second visit in the Cambridge Daily News in November 1931.
It said that “Mr Gandhi paid a visit to Cambridge this weekend to hold a conference with a select group of Cambridge thinkers, both men and women, with regards to important issues which were being worked out at the Indian Round Table Conference in London. Very early on Sunday morning, at about 5.30, Mr Gandhi went for his usual walk… They (his party) went around the colleges by way of the streets and on the way back were able to go through Trinity to the Backs, the porter opening the gates for them.
“He also visited King’s College Chapel in order to see the beauty of its architecture and stained glass windows, which he very greatly admired. He was pleased to find that electric light had not been admitted into this glorious ancient building.
“At 8.15pm he attended a meeting… which was crowded to the doors with both English and Indian students. Asked whether there would be a resumption of civil disobedience in India if the Round Table Conference broke down, Mr Gandhi said that this seemed to him to be not unlikely.
“An English student who was going out into the Indian army asked what he could do to serve India. Mr Gandhi replied that he must make friends with the people of the country and refuse to adopt patronising ways. He must be absolutely simple and humble.
The question of why some people in India want to build a statue to Gandhi’s assassin, Nathuram Godse, also came up.
“It’s the enemies of Gandhi who keep him alive,” was the explanation from Bhargava.
Professor Saul Dubow (Cambridge) and Professor Prof Faisal Devji (Oxford) also took part in the discussions.
Lord Jitesh Gadhia, who had a behind the scenes role in organising the event, was present, as was Lord Karan Bilimoria. Both attended Cambridge University, as the Indian high commissioner Ruchi Ghanashyam pointed out. Earlier, she mentioned that Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajiv Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi had all been to the university as had mathematical genius Srininavasa Ramanujan.
The Cambridge-India relationship was set into context by the university’s pro-Vice Chancellor, Prof Eilís Ferran, who explained: “110 years ago today Mahatma Gandhi, one of the most iconic figures of the 19th and 20th century visited this city to address a group of Indian students.
“And the fact that we are gathered here today to continue discussions is testament to the profound impact his thinking, his words and his actions had on the history of India.
“We have a long and deep level of engagement with India. Our academics work in partnerships with their counterparts in Indian institutions tackling some of the issues that challenge both of our countries and indeed the wider world. Students from India and Cambridge benefit from this engagement, expanding their knowledge and understanding to encompass many aspects of our complex world.
“Cambridge University Press has nearly 1,000 publications available about India – history, science, technology, politics, languages, laws, economics, films – the list is extensive.
“We are continually striving to strengthen our engagement in and with India so that together we can work forward on an equitable and sustainable society. We depend on our colleagues and friends in India and Cambridge and elsewhere to achieve that goal.”
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
By clicking the 'Subscribe’, you agree to receive our newsletter, marketing communications and industry
partners/sponsors sharing promotional product information via email and print communication from Garavi Gujarat
Publications Ltd and subsidiaries. You have the right to withdraw your consent at any time by clicking the
unsubscribe link in our emails. We will use your email address to personalize our communications and send you
relevant offers. Your data will be stored up to 30 days after unsubscribing.
Contact us at data@amg.biz to see how we manage and store your data.