Pakistan Army Chief General Qamar Bajwa celebrates Pak Independence Day at London Embassy, billionaire Zahoor's wife attends the event
Pakistani billionaire Mohammad Zahoor, the former publisher of Kyiv Post, has reportedly helped purchase two fighter jets for Ukraine’s air force to aid Kyiv amid Russia’s war in the eastern European country.
Pakistan Army Chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa celebrated the country's 76th Independence Day at the Pakistan Embassy in London where Ukrainian pop star and wife of British-Pakistani business tycoon Muhammad Zahoor, Kamaliya, gave a singing performance.
Pakistani billionaire Mohammad Zahoor, the former publisher of Kyiv Post, has reportedly helped purchase two fighter jets for Ukraine's air force to aid Kyiv amid Russia's war in the eastern European country. The multimillionaire has allegedly kept the donation a secret but allowed his wife, Kamaliya Zahoor, to disclose the procurement.
During a Ukrainian television talk show called, "Morning with Ukraine" on her 45th birthday on May 18, she said, "Zahoor gave me the green light to tell this. Because they [Mohammad Zahoor and other donors] hid these issues. They gave two fighter jets to Ukraine and help Ukraine, but do not disclose."
Kamaliya (real name Natalya Shmarenkova) was born in 1977 in Zabaikallye, Chita Oblast, Soviet Union. She is a singer and a prominent TV personality. Married to Kamaliya, former Mrs World beauty pageant titleholder, Zahoor left Kyiv with the couple's two daughters after the Russian invasion, with his wife joining a few days later. The family is currently staying in London.
Zahoor is also a major figure in the eastern European country's media and steel industries. During the early days of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, he called for international support for Kyiv, reported Arab News.
Born in the Pakistani megapolis of Karachi in 1955, Mohammad Zahoor was 19 when he first travelled to Ukraine, then a part of the Soviet Union, to study metallurgy on a Pakistan Steel Mills scholarship. After completing his master's degree, he returned to Pakistan to work in the steel sector.
Zahoor studied engineering and steel-making at Donetsk, turning in a thesis on the rolling plant at the Donetsk Steel Mill in 1980. "Sixteen years later I bought that mill," he says, with obvious -- but not off-putting -- satisfaction. He returned to Pakistan shortly after with a Russian wife, and worked for Pakistan Steel. "I was a safety engineer. We translated Russian safety manuals into English."
This was the time of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and Zahoor's Russian wife prompted the suspicion of Pakistani intelligence, reported Politico.
'Why are you getting letters from Russia at your home?' they asked me. 'Because my wife is Russian!' I said!" The spooks, unimpressed, made it clear that Zahoor's professional prospects were limited if he were to remain married to a Russian.
So he left for Moscow in 1987, to work for a Pakistani trading company, helping his employers make a fortune buying Russian steel at USD 100 a ton and selling it abroad for USD 250. "We bought 10,000 tons in all -- USD 1.5 million in profit!"
Years later, as the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics fell apart and Ukraine became an independent state in 1991, Zahoor went back to participate in the country's transition into a capitalist economy. He invested in the steel sector and established ISTIL Group, a conglomerate operating in real estate, manufacturing, and coal enrichment.
The businessman also became involved in Ukraine's media and entertainment scene, buying the Kyiv Post, the oldest English-language newspaper in Ukraine, in 2009, which he owned for nearly a decade, and which earned him the title of "Pakistani Press Prince of Kyiv." In 2018, he sold the paper to Syrian Adnan Kivan for USD 3.5 million.
While speaking at an interview to Arab News, the tycoon called on world powers to side with Ukraine, where the number of refugees fleeing to neighbouring countries has surged tremendously.
"This is time, actually, for us not to keep quiet, we have to take sides," Zahoor said during the interview. "I am openly taking the side of Ukraine ... this is the time actually for everyone to speak up for Ukraine, otherwise every big country is going to swallow its next-door neighbour."
"It's more than ten days that civilians are [being] bombarded, the nuclear plant has been targeted," Zahoor said, referring to Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia plant, the largest in Europe, which was seized by Russia.
"I think we are in the worst crisis in the world since the Second World War," he added, saying a nuclear accident "in the middle of Europe" could be worse than the 1986 Chernobyl disaster, considered the worst nuclear accident in history both in terms of cost and casualties.
He lamented that European powers, as well as the United States and Britain, had not done enough to come to Ukraine's aid, saying Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky had been calling for intervention much before the Russian invasion.
"I think Europe has done much little than they should have done," he said. "Not only EU but America and UK as well."
Meanwhile, even as the Western bloc continues to impose sanctions on Moscow, former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan has said that Pakistan's future is tied to Russia.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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