Vilified by Indian prime minister Narendra Modi's party for its high COVID-19 cases, Kerala's apparent poor record may actually hold crucial lessons for the country in containing the outbreak as authorities brace for a possible third wave of infections.
The opposition-ruled, densely populated southern state is currently reporting the most number of coronavirus cases in the country and accounts for the second-highest national tally - unflattering headline numbers that Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has seized upon as a reflection of bungled local leadership.
However, a Reuters analysis of national and state data, and interviews with epidemiologists and Kerala health authorities paint a different picture.
It shows the state's containment measures have helped to catch infections early, allowing authorities to better manage the illness and dramatically lower the death rate - a stark contrast to people dying in carparks and outside hospitals for lack of oxygen and beds in big cities like Delhi at the height of the health crisis a few months earlier.
"While the federal government may have its views on rapid antigen tests, it is important to consider that the state's strategies have by and large succeeded in not just keeping mortality low but also in being able to detect one in six cases compared to one in 33 nationally," said Rajib Dasgupta, head of the Centre of Social Medicine & Community Health at New Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University.
The efficient detection rate and its population density at more than twice the national average explain the high number of cases in Kerala.
All the same, at 0.5 per cent, Kerala still has the lowest fatality rate among all but one thinly populated state. The national figure is 1.4 per cent and it is 1.3 per cent for the country's most populous state, Uttar Pradesh.
The difference comes down to Kerala's reliance on rapid antigen tests to detect and strictly isolate infected people at home, an approach the federal health ministry has sharply criticised but which state officials argue has helped them to better allocate hospital beds and oxygen supplies for those who really need them.
The government-recommended RT-PCR tests are more accurate but take longer to produce results, meaning by the time a positive COVID-19 case is confirmed the infected person is more likely to have developed severe symptoms and passed it on to others in a vicious cycle of more infections and deaths.
Kerala's rapid test results allow for early treatment in home isolation which then narrows the virus' path to infections, state officials say.
These factors, along with the strained medical resources across much of India, largely explain why the overall national death rate is much higher than in the Communist-run state.
Kerala officials also say a state-run support service that includes phone consultation, provision of drugs and pulse oximeters that detect blood oxygen levels for people recovering at home provide a bulwark in the battle against the disease.
Delhi had a similar support structure but it collapsed when cases surged.
"We do have a different model and our fatality rate shows our model is on the right track," Kerala Health Minister Veena George told Reuters.
But Kerala officials acknowledge that the fast-evolving pandemic can undo even the best thought-out plans unless authorities remain nimble and flexible.
A MODEL TO EMULATE?
When Reuters recently visited Kerala's most populous Malappuram district, which is reporting the greatest number of infections in India, a quarter of the 344 COVID beds in its biggest hospital were vacant and oxygen supply was ample. The Indian Council of Medical Research has recommended lockdowns for districts where more than 10 per cent of the tests return positive results. The rate is about 15 per cent for Kerala and even higher in Malappuram, but shops and restaurants are open for business.
Kerala officials argue that they are able to keep businesses open as the state has the best testing rate among Indian states - 86 tests per 100 people, compared with about 33 in Uttar Pradesh meaning they are able to catch infections early and ensure timely treatment.
The model, epidemiologists say, can be replicated in few other states with good health facilities, such as neighbouring Tamil Nadu.
"Their surveillance is good, they detect cases early and their testing is very focused," M.D. Gupte, a retired director of the National Institute of Epidemiology who advises the federal government on immunisations, said about Kerala.
"Most people in Kerala are educated, so that helps."
India’s daily demand for medical oxygen jumped more than eight times in May from pre-pandemic levels, but Kerala avoided major shortages of hospital beds and oxygen that crippled many states when nationwide infections saw an explosive surge.
The federal health ministry did not respond to emails requesting comment.
VACCINE PUSH
Minister George said the state was on course to administer at least one vaccine dose to all adults by next month, the fastest pace among all states. Currently, the state has covered more than 55 per cent of adults with at least one vaccine dose, compared with 48 per cent for the whole of India, which wants to vaccinate all its adults by December.
Kerala, with 35.5 million people, has so far reported 3.8 million infections, or 12 per cent of India's total of 32.5 million. Its 19,757 deaths, however, account for only 4 per cent of the overall nationwide fatalities.
The Indian government recommends 70 per cent of all COVID-19 tests be carried out by the RT-PCR method, while Kerala's rate is less than 50 per cent.
"This is not the Kerala model, this is a model of mismanagement," BJP President Jagat Prakash Nadda, India's former health minister, said last week.
He said BJP-ruled Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh had better managed the pandemic, though a government survey estimated in July that more than 70 per cent residents of both states had been exposed to the virus. The figure was 44 per cent for Kerala.
Kerala's COVID-19 hospitalisation rate is only about three per cent, a state official said, compared with more than five per cent nationwide when cases peaked in May.
T.S. Anish, a member of Kerala's COVID Expert Committee, said the state was now focused on vaccination.
"If you are able to vaccinate large numbers, you will get infections but your health system will not be overwhelmed."
INDIAN cricket has signed Apollo Tyres as its new lead sponsor after fantasy sports platform Dream11 ended its contract following a government ban on online gambling.
The men's team travelled to the United Arab Emirates for the ongoing Asia Cup without a sponsor on their shirts after Dream11 exited the deal, which was worth about $44 million and was set to run until 2026.
The Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) said the new contract with Apollo Tyres runs until March 2028. While the value was not disclosed, the board said it is higher than the previous deal.
"The new partnership, secured after a rigorous bidding process, represents a substantial increase in sponsorship value, signifying the immense and growing commercial appeal of Indian cricket," the BCCI said in a statement.
BCCI Secretary Devajit Saikia said, "We are excited about this being Apollo's first major sponsorship in India cricket, which speaks volumes about the sport's unparalleled reach and influence. This is more than a commercial agreement; it's a partnership between two institutions that have earned the trust and respect of millions."
Apollo Tyres Vice-Chairman and Managing Director Neeraj Kanwar said, "Cricket's unmatched popularity in India and worldwide makes it an honour for us to become the national team lead sponsor of Team India."
The Apollo Tyres logo will appear on the jerseys of the Indian men's and women's teams across all formats.
Last month, the Indian parliament passed a law banning online gambling. The government said gambling platforms had caused financial distress, addiction and even suicide, and were linked to fraud, money laundering and terrorism financing. Fantasy sports apps such as Dream11 continue to operate, though for prizes and not cash.
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Nvidia boss Jensen Huang has said he is “disappointed” following reports
China’s Cyberspace Administration has reportedly ordered tech firms to stop using Nvidia’s AI chips
Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang says he is “disappointed” but will remain “patient”
Huang is visiting the UK alongside other tech leaders during Donald Trump’s state visit
Nvidia became the world’s first $4tn company earlier in 2025 amid the AI boom
Huang responds to reported China directive
Nvidia boss Jensen Huang has said he is “disappointed” following reports that China has told its leading technology firms to halt purchases of the company’s artificial intelligence chips.
Speaking to reporters in the UK, Huang added that he would remain “patient” in light of the reported order from China’s internet regulator, the Cyberspace Administration. “There are a lot of places we can’t go to, and that’s fine,” he said.
Background to chip restrictions
Nvidia is the world’s leading chipmaker, central to the global AI boom with its processors powering data centres worldwide. China, meanwhile, has been working to develop its own semiconductors as part of a broader AI strategy to reduce reliance on US technology.
The company had already faced restrictions in China. Its most advanced chips were previously banned from sale to the country before US President Donald Trump reversed the decision in July. As part of an unusual arrangement, Nvidia must pay 15% of its Chinese revenues to the US government.
Financial Times report
According to the Financial Times, China’s Cyberspace Administration recently told domestic technology firms — including major players such as DeepSeek, Tencent and Alibaba — to stop buying Nvidia’s specially designed China-market chips.
Shares in Nvidia were down more than 1% in pre-market trading following the news.
Support for US policy
Asked about the geopolitical tensions, Huang said he would support the US as it sought to resolve the issues and would convey the same message directly to President Trump if asked.
Huang is one of several technology leaders, including Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella, attending Trump’s state visit to the UK. They are expected to join a state banquet on Wednesday evening.
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Despite the reported setback in China, Nvidia has continued to expand its footprint elsewhere. The company recently announced it would supply chips to the Stargate UK data centre, a major project in north-east England involving OpenAI, Arm and NScale. The commitment forms part of a broader UK-US technology pact.
Valuation milestone
Nvidia became the first company in the world to surpass a $4tn (£2.9tn) market valuation earlier this year, underscoring its dominance in the AI sector even as geopolitical tensions shape its global reach.
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Tagenarine Chanderpaul. (Photo by PAT HOELSCHER/AFP via Getty Images)
BATSMEN Tagenarine Chanderpaul and Alick Athanaze were recalled to the West Indies ranks when they were named in the squad to tour India on Tuesday (16) while left-arm spinner Khary Pierre is included for the first time.
The two-Test series, with matches in Ahmedabad and Delhi, marks the West Indies' first tour to India since 2018 and forms part of the World Test Championship.
Neither Chanderpaul nor Athanaze were involved in the recent series against Australia but have been included to bolster the top-order batting.
"The return of Tagenarine Chanderpaul is to help transform our fortunes at the top of the order given the recent struggles, with Alick Athanaze being added for his strengths and qualities against spin bowling," said head coach Daren Sammy.
Pierre, meanwhile, has been included as the second specialist spinner in the squad after strong performances in the West Indies championship, where he claimed a chart-topping 41 wickets at an average of 13.56.
"Khary is included for the first time as our second spinner in what we expect to be helpful conditions," said Sammy.
Another left-arm spinner Gudakesh Motie, who has not figured since the second Test against Pakistan in Multan in January, has been rested for this red-ball series to focus on the upcoming limited-overs schedule which includes the T20 World Cup in February and March.
West Indies, who are ranked eighth in the Test rankings, face a stiff test against the fourth-ranked side who are always so strong on home soil.
"Playing in the subcontinent always presents a challenge and we have selected a team to be competitive in these conditions." said Sammy.
Spain leads a growing boycott movement, with Ireland, the Netherlands and Slovenia also refusing to participate if Israel competes.
The European Broadcasting Union (EBU) is in crisis talks, extending its decision deadline to December 2025.
The situation draws direct comparisons to Russia’s exclusion in 2022, creating a precedent the EBU must now navigate.
The core dilemma pits Eurovision’s non-political ideals against the stark reality of a humanitarian crisis.
The Eurovision Song Contest, that glitter-drenched annual spectacle of pop and unity, is staring into the abyss. The escalating call for a Eurovision boycott over Israel's participation, against the backdrop of the ongoing Gaza conflict, has put the organisers into their most severe political crisis yet. This isn't just about another song entry but a fundamental clash between the contest's cherished apolitical fantasy and the inescapable geopolitics of the real world, threatening to tear the competition apart from within.
Spain announces withdrawal from Eurovision over Israel participation amid growing boycott movement Instagram/eurovision
What is causing the Eurovision 2025–2026 crisis?
The main trigger is Israel’s ongoing military campaign in Gaza. Casualty figures reported by the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry exceed 64,000 Palestinians by September 2025, drawing international scrutiny. Several European countries argue that Israel’s presence in a major cultural event like Eurovision would appear to normalise the humanitarian crisis. On the other hand, Israel insists participation is purely cultural and unrelated to politics.
What countries are boycotting Eurovision over Israel?
So, which nations are taking this stance? The movement gained its most significant momentum with Spain's announcement. Its public broadcaster, RTVE, issued a decisive statement, confirming an overwhelming vote to withdraw. The organisation cited Israel's military actions in Gaza and stated it could not, in good conscience, "look the other way." This move is particularly consequential as Spain is one of the "Big Five" major financial contributors to the contest.
They were swiftly followed by Ireland’s RTÉ, which deemed participation "unconscionable" given the situation in Gaza. Public broadcasters in the Netherlands and Slovenia subsequently aligned with similar positions. Iceland's broadcaster has also indicated it is considering its position, formally "reserving the right" to withdraw. This is not a peripheral protest but a movement emerging from within the contest's core European membership, raising questions about which other countries may follow.
How is the EBU handling the Eurovision boycott calls?
The European Broadcasting Union faces an immense challenge. Its standard operating procedure of promoting unity through music appears insufficient for this geopolitical dilemma. The gravity of the situation can be seen in its unprecedented decision to delay the standard deadline for participation confirmations to mid-December 2025. This extension is dedicated to extensive consultation with all member unions in an effort to find a viable resolution that preserves the contest's integrity.
Concurrently, the EBU has been forced to publicly deny reports from Israeli media outlets suggesting it had advised Israel to withdraw voluntarily to avoid a "humiliating elimination," calling these claims false.
Is this Eurovision situation similar to Russia's exclusion?
This comparison forms the crux of the debate for many. The 2022 exclusion of Russia following its invasion of Ukraine established a clear precedent; the EBU justified its decision by stating Russia's participation would "bring the competition into disrepute."
Boycott advocates now argue that the same standard must be applied consistently, questioning why Israel's actions in Gaza do not merit an identical response. The EBU will likely attempt to differentiate the cases based on nuanced legalities of membership and the operational independence of the respective national broadcasters. However, in the court of public and political opinion, the perception of a double standard is a significant threat to the EBU's credibility.
What are the arguments for and against the boycott?
Proponents of the boycott base their position on principles of human rights and conscience. They stress the extensive civilian casualty figures reported by authorities in Gaza, alongside assessments from UN agencies, to argue that Israel’s inclusion on a cultural platform constitutes a form of normalisation of the ongoing conflict.
Conversely, opponents of a boycott contend that cultural events must remain separate from political disputes. They caution that excluding a nation’s artists could veer into prejudice and stress that the Israeli broadcaster, Kan, operates with editorial independence, unlike the state-controlled media of Russia. There is no clear, unambiguous resolution that will satisfy all parties.
What happens if Israel is allowed to compete in Eurovision 2026?
Should the EBU permit Israel's participation, an immediate and consequential withdrawal of several key members is all but certain. The loss of Spain, a major funder, would represent a serious financial and credibility blow. The subsequent absence of Ireland, the Netherlands, Slovenia, and potentially others would noticeably diminish the contest's scale and diversity.
Furthermore, the event itself would likely become a focal point for large-scale protests, potentially disrupting the broadcast and overshadowing the musical competition, further alienating segments of its global audience.
What happens if Israel is excluded from Eurovision?
An exclusion would trigger a different but equally severe crisis for the EBU. It would face vehement accusations of hypocrisy and double standards, particularly from Israel and its allies. The move could prompt legal challenges and potentially lead to Israel's permanent withdrawal from the union.
It would also establish a new and far-reaching precedent for excluding countries involved in international conflicts, fundamentally transforming Eurovision from an inclusive cultural space into an institution that makes overt political judgements.
The future is decidedly uncertain. The EBU is confronted with a dilemma where any decision carries significant negative consequences. The upcoming General Assembly in December is going to be a tense and potentially historic meeting. While some have speculated about a compromise, such as Israel participating under a neutral banner, the EBU has denied pursuing this option.
The underlying truth is that Eurovision has always been intertwined with politics, from historical participation under authoritarian regimes to contemporary voting blocs. The current crisis has simply stripped away the glittering façade, forcing a direct confrontation with this reality. The contest's future will depend on navigating a path that may not exist, balancing its ideals against an increasingly polarised world.