SHERLOCK HOLMES is widely recognised as being a great detective in literary fiction but which actor has been best at representing Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s creation?
This question has come up for debate because Royal Mail has brought out a set of 10 new stamps to mark the popularity of the TV series, Sherlock, which stars Benedict Cumberbatch as Sherlock Holmes and Martin Freeman as the faithful Dr Watson and has been shown in 180 countries. Philip Parker, from Royal Mail, enthused: “We celebrate the enduring fascination with the world’s most famous fictional detective – Sherlock Holmes.”
According to Royal Mail, “when Sir Arthur Conan Doyle published his first Sherlock Holmes novel, A Study in Scarlet, in 1887, he had no idea how iconic the character would become….Doyle would produce 56 Holmes short stories and four full-length novels before laying the character to rest in 1927.”
But there are those who think actors other than Cumberbatch have come closer to playing the kind of character Doyle had in mind – rather than the modern interpretation provided in Sherlock which has not been to everyone’s taste. In a letter (Mastering the manner of the great detective) to a national newspaper last week, Charles Foster, of Chalfont St Peter, Buckinghamshire, pressed the merits of Jeremy Brett (1933-1995).
“While I’m sure the new Sherlock Holmes stamps will be popular with millennials, it would be better if they were to celebrate the original Holmes, instead of marking the 10th anniversary of the BBC’s impenetrable modern-day version,” he argued.
“The late Jeremy Brett’s interpretation of the great detective is the only one fit to adorn the right-hand corner of a letter,” he declared.
When Brett died, Mel Gussow wrote in an obituary for The New York Times that “Mr Brett was regarded as the quintessential Holmes: breathtakingly analytical, given to outrageous disguises and the blackest moods and relentless in his enthusiasm for solving the most intricate crimes”.
However, in a counter letter (Cooler Holmes), Philip Porter, of Knighton on Teme, Worcestershire, made the case for Douglas Wilmer (1920-2016).
Taking issue with Foster’s choice, Porter took a minority view: “In playing the role, Brett was camp and histrionic, later becoming increasingly manic. These are traits never displayed by the cool, calculating machine of the books. Further, as Dame Jean Conan Doyle, Sir Arthur’s daughter, once told me, Brett’s character was rude to ladies – something that Holmes never was.”
Porter went on: “As a former chairman of the Sherlock Holmes Society of London, I must strongly argue the case for Douglas Wilmer, whom many of us consider pre-eminent. Playing the role for the BBC in the mid-sixties, together with Nigel Stock as a doughty Watson, Wilmer’s character was incisive, understated, quietly but effectively dominant and with a dry wit. He brilliantly blended deep thought with bouts of great energy.”
However, Richard Doyle, the author’s great nephew, has given his approval to the new stamps: “In the first chapter of my great uncle Arthur’s famous Sherlock Holmes novel, The Sign of Four, Sherlock remarks upon the sheet of stamps in Watson’s desk – imagine his consternation if it turned out to be this sheet of stamps. What would he have deduced from what he observed? “I hope those who take a close look at these fascinating stamps, observing not just seeing, are inspired to read the original stories and novels written by my great uncle – Sir Arthur Conan Doyle.”
Apart from Holmes and Watson, four of the six stamps in one set feature other characters in the modern version of the Doyle stories – “Jim” Moriarty; Irene Adler; Mary Morstan; and Mycroft Holmes.
When UV light is shone over the stamps hidden details from selected episodes of Sherlock are revealed.
The six episodes featured are A Study in Pink (when Watson meets his new flatmate); The Great Game (when a woman hostage is strapped to a bomb and the great detective is up against the notorious criminal, James Moriarty); A Scandal in Belgravia (when the Irene Adler has compromising photographs of a member of the Royal Family on her phone, and calls on Holmes and Watson to retrieve the device); The Reichenbach Fall (when Moriarty is acquitted of robbing the Bank of England and stealing the Crown Jewels and instead accuses Holmes of being a fraud); The Empty Hearse (when Holmes returns to London two years after faking his suicide); and The Final Problem (when Holmes discovers that in addition to his brother Mycroft, he also has a sister, Eurus).
A further four stamps, presented in a miniature-sheet, feature new illustrations of other stories written by Doyle: The Adventure of the Speckled Band; The Red-Headed League; The Adventure of the Second Stain; and The Adventure of the Dancing Men.
Devised and written by Steven Moffat and Mark Gatiss, Sherlock aired for the first time in July 2010. “This interpretation of Doyle’s mysteries offered audiences a fresh, modern take on his novels and short stories, with an irreverent tone and 21st century technology such as internet searches, texting and GPS,” it was pointed out.
Sue Vertue, producer of the Sherlock series that has won BAFTA and Emmy awards, commented: “We are terribly proud of our Sherlock TV series and now am ridiculously excited about these Royal Mail stamps.”
The Holmes stories are popular worldwide but they seem to have a particular appeal for Indians. Some authors have even tried to write in the style of Doyle and given Holmes cases to solve in India.
Many research scholars have drawn attention to the references to India and Indians in the stories that Doyle did write. For example, in one paper, “Criminality and India in Sherlock Holmes”, Abin Chakraborty wrote: “Empire makes its presence felt in the world of Sherlock Holmes from its very outset. Dr Watson, after all, is a veteran of the Fifth Northumberland Fusiliers who participated in the second Anglo-Afghan War. His accounts not only introduce us to the “murderous Ghazis” of Afghanistan but also the ‘enteric fever, that curse of our Indian possessions’.”
Chakraborty also discusses “the representation of Dr Grimsby Roylott in The Speckled Band and Colonel Sebastian Moran in The Adventure of the Empty House. Both of these individuals, despite hailing from notable aristocratic families, turn to violent crimes and in each case, the degeneration may be attributed to their stints in India.
“Dr Grimsby Roylott of The Speckled Band, who had practised as a doctor in Calcutta, is found guilty of murdering one of his step-daughters with the help of an Indian swamp-adder in his possession.
In her description of her stepfather, Helen Stoner states, “Violence of temper approaching to mania has been hereditary in the men of the family, and in my stepfather’s case it had, I believe, been intensified by his long residence in the tropics.’”
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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