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BANK OF ENGLAND Monetary Policy Committee member Dr Swati Dhingra has said that managing the impact of inflation on families and firms, and attempting to cool inflationary pressures without deepening any resulting economic downturn, are immediate policy priorities.
However, she warned that it is not ‘going to be easy’.
Speaking at an event organised by the Resolution Foundation on Wednesday (8) on the topic ‘A cost-of-living crisis: Inflation during an unprecedented terms-of-trade shock', the British Indian policymaker has called for UK interest rates to be kept on hold, saying that further tightening is a bigger risk’ than holding interest rates at 4 per cent.
Dhingra, who is associate professor of economics at the London School of Economics, said that the vast majority of inflation had been caused by higher energy and import prices. Last month, she voted to leave interest rates unchanged.
She pointed to weak consumption as evidence that inflation would soon fall sustainably.
“Recent research indicates the persistent scarring effects of deep contractions associated with monetary policy tightening and energy market disruptions, indicating the harmful consequences of overtightening. Such an approach would increase the downside risks of missing the inflation target in the medium term,” Dhingra said.
“In my view, a prudent strategy would hold policy steady amid growing signs external price pressures are easing, and be prepared to respond to developments in price evolution. This would avoid over-tightening and return the economy sustainably to our two per cent inflation target in the medium-term.”
According to her, inflation is expected to fall sharply over 2023.
"Based on a mechanical calculation, we can be sure that this will happen if we do not see further cost increases of magnitudes similar to those that resulted from the war in Ukraine. For energy costs, this is hard to predict, but the recent experience over the winter gives some hope for the coming months and with some uncertainty, possibly over the next winter," she said.
"What then could prevent inflation from falling to target over the medium term? Many point to the tight labour market and firms’ desire to rebuild margins. Inflation has been well above target for over a year now, but our decomposition shows that wages and margins have played a relatively smaller role than the broad-based terms of trade deterioration. Nonetheless, the longer this high inflation persists, the more likely it could become embedded due to domestically generated pay and margin pressures."
In her opinion, private sector wage growth is high in the light of recent history and a flattening off in wage growth and, in some cases, dampening will occur in the near term.
Dhingra said that with the labour market starting to turn and the cost-of-living crisis taking hold on disposable incomes, many firms are finding it difficult to pass through fully existing cost rises to consumer prices.
She added that a weak demand outlook in the future is expected to reinforce this.
"Tighter credit conditions and the cost-of-living crisis have already led to weak GDP growth and a recent slowdown in the housing market. The value of additional accumulated savings during the pandemic has also been largely depleted. Consumption remains much below pre-pandemic levels and it is hard to see where substantial renewed demand pressures could come from,
particularly as the effects of monetary tightening start to also play a bigger role in dampening economic activity," she pointed out.
The Bank of England has already raised interest rates by 390 basis points since December 2021.
The policymaker, who has been part of the the Economy 2030 Inquiry, a collaboration between the Resolution Foundation and the Centre for Economic Performance at LSE, said that it is well established that monetary policy affects the real economy with long, variable and somewhat unpredictable lags.
"Estimates generally indicate that, following a lagged effect on output, monetary policy takes well over a year to affect inflation. Rate hikes take time to get passed through from financial markets to households and firms who determine consumer prices. Going forwards, there is reason to expect therefore that demand will be subdued and not inflame inflation further," Dhingra said.
"Overall, the evidence does not point to persistent cost-push inflation becoming embedded in wages and margins. Even after a year and a half of above-target inflation, there is little evidence for such cost-push inflation beyond what might be expected following an unprecedented terms of trade shock. Consumption remains weak and many of the tightening effects of monetary policy are yet to fully take hold."
‘Price of sliced white bread’
Dhingra said that the steep increase since autumn 2021 in the imported price of energy weighs on real incomes in this country, leading to an exceptional cost-of-living crisis.
“Based on national statistics and a long tradition of work on input-output linkages along the supply chain, we decompose CPI inflation into the extent to which it is driven directly by imports shares in final consumption and indirectly by cost pressures from energy, other imported inputs, wages and residual profit margins that make up the price of consumer items,” she said.
“To fix ideas, take the example of sliced white bread. The price of a loaf increased from 108p in January 2022 to 139p in January 2023. Bread became about 30 per cent more expensive. If we don’t import much sliced white bread, the contribution of final imports for household consumption would be zero. Then one observation might be that bread inflation is driven purely by domestic bread prices, and therefore more needs to be done on monetary tightening to try to weed out the inflationary pressures being generated at home.
“But this does not account for the fact that the costs of making bread, like the price of electricity and wheat flour, have themselves increased significantly. Wages of bakery employees have also risen. If we count all these costs of the bakery, we can then examine the difference between the unit price that the bakery charges and its per unit cost of making the bread. This remainder surplus can be interpreted as the bakery’s profit margin, which it retains as pure profit for its owners or investors, or uses to finance its investments.”
The policymaker pointed out that the consumer price of bread can be decomposed into the costs of sellers and their margins.
Dhingra highlighted that the price of every detailed product in the consumer price index (CPI) basket, like sliced white bread, could be decomposed in this way to examine where inflationary pressures are coming from.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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