EXCLUSIVE: Senior judiciary figure admits…ASIANS STILL FAILING TO BECOME JUDGES
By Barnie Choudhury Feb 03, 2022
Representation of south Asian and black judges “remains unacceptably low”, according to the man who heads the UK’s tribunal courts.
Writing on the judiciary’s internal website, the senior president of tribunals, Sir Keith Lindblom said ethnic minorities do less well than white candidates being considered to join the judiciary.
In his communication last Thursday (27 January), seen by Eastern Eye, Lindblom begins by admitting that “2021 was a difficult year, both professionally and personally.”
Although he seemed to be alluding to the effects of the pandemic, Lindblom continued, “I also think that 2021 has brought questions on diversity, equality and inclusion to the forefront in our justice system.”
Sir Keith Lindblom (pic credit: gov.uk)
During the past two years Eastern Eye has highlighted the culture of bullying, sexism and racism in the judiciary.
“Analysis also shows that Black, Asian and minority ethnic candidates do less well than white candidates in the majority of selection tools,” wrote the senior president.
“There is still much to do, including work on ensuring judges of Black, Asian and minority ethnic backgrounds have the support they need to progress within the judiciary, as levels of representation for these judges remains unacceptably low across the whole of the system.”
Little Action
Lindblom is the equivalent of the lord chief justice for tribunal courts.
The founder of the Judicial Support Network, Kaly Kaul, a Crown court judge, told Eastern Eye, “I think it's a very positive message, and it's very nice to read it.
Kaly Kaul QC
“But it tries, perhaps, to reduce what we all know, which is that there is a serious problem.
“Even though the intention is to do something about it, I can't see any evidence that anything is really being done.
“Although there are efforts to make people feel welcome and encourage promotion, the real issues remain the real issues, which are ones of discrimination.”
paper sifts where a panel of assessors decide a candidate’s suitability without knowing his or her name.
a selection panel which asks questions based on competency criteria.
Latest MoJ figures suggest that six per cent of minority candidates succeed compared to 14 per cent for white applicants.
Buck Passing
The senior president of tribunals told his colleagues, “More also needs to be done to encourage people from diverse personal and professional backgrounds to apply for judicial roles, and leadership judges across the tribunals are working on ways to improve this.
“Written guidance and online resources have been developed, including guidance on recognising and addressing micro-aggressions, building cultural awareness and taking inclusive action.”
Several non-white judges have contacted this paper and spoken on the condition of anonymity.
“It's all about passing the buck and appearing to have policies which comply,” said one south Asian justice.
“We have to face the reality, and once we face it, and accept it, we can then really repair it.
“But that takes a degree of courage, which I still can't see within the judiciary.”
The judiciary have been accused of passing the buck when hiring south Asian and black judges
Lindblom wrote that the lord chief justice and he had “commissioned external experts to do further qualitative analysis to gain a better understanding of the issues related to bullying, harassment and discrimination.”
But those who spoke to Eastern Eye said that south Asians could join and “climb the ladder” as long as they “played the game”.
“If you're not one of us, as in you don't toe the line, then we will not accept you, we will tolerate you, and that's the reality,” explained one non-white judge.
“I didn't join the judiciary to become one of them. I wanted to become a judge, but a judge of colour.
“I wanted to bring with me my background, my ethnicity, and I don't want to deny it or move it into a drawer, somewhere where people can ignore it.”
No Interviews
Eastern Eye has asked the Judicial Office for an interview with Lady Justice Simler in her capacity as chair of the diversity committee of the judges’ council on two occasions.
Lady Justice Simler. (pic credit: @judiciary.uk)
Both times the judiciary has refused our request.
“That’s absolutely disgusting,” said one south Asian judge. “What are they scared of? They can’t have much faith in her (Simler), don’t they think she can answer your questions?
“They always talk the talk, but they have never been able to demonstrate the ability to walk the walk.
“It’s always jam tomorrow, isn’t it? And that’s the problem.”
It is a similar story when we asked for an interview with Lord Kakkar chair of the Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC).
Then the Garston and Halewood Labour MP, Maria Eagle, described Kakkar as “complacent”.
Maria Eagle MP (pic credit: @parliament.uk)
“It seems to me that 15 years to make a real change in the diversity of judicial appointments, and yet you seem today to be effectively saying that it’s as good as it can be,” she said.
“You said we do everything we possibly can. When it’s been put to you that BAME people who apply consistently do worse in terms of appointments, and you’ve basically said ‘Oh, well, we appoint on merit’.
“You seem to be blaming those who don’t get through the process for their failure.
“And that’s why you’ve come across as complacent to me. Is that really the best that you can do?”
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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