KRISHNENDU MAJUMDAR is an Emmy-winning producer and director, but he has made it his mission to bring about real diversity in the film, TV and gaming industries as the new chairman of Bafta.
Some of the clues lie in his own background. “Growing up, there was no one from the Bengali community with connections in the film or television industries,” he tells Eastern Eye, emphasising, “Representation really matters.”
Now 45, he was born in Church Village in Wales, 10 miles north-west of Cardiff where he went to school before graduating in English and drama at Bristol University.
He says he was “more into theatre in those days” and thought he might become a theatre director, but eventually he moved into television.
“With Bengalis, you know your parents want you to have a safe job,” he recalls.
The last time he visited India was in the autumn of 2018 when he took his father’s ashes to the holy city of Varanasi, before going to Kolkata to meet relatives.
In 1962, his father, Dr Rupendra Kumar Majumdar, arrived from Calcutta [now Kolkata] on a boat that docked in Liverpool.
“He went back in 1966 and married my mum and returned to the UK,” his son says. “He was a GP in the South Wales area and worked for the NHS for 40 years.”
His father passed away, aged 86, on February 15, 2017. His mother, Jharna, who had been a community link worker among Bengalis from India and Bangladeshis, still lives in South Wales and Majumdar and his elder brother, Saumendra, take it in turns to visit her. The cultural committee their parents helped to set up in 1973 to celebrate the festival of Durga Puja is still going strong.
Inevitably, friends and work colleagues have shortened Majumdar’s first name to “Krish”. He tells them it is “never Chris” but when he gets a film credit, he makes sure it is written out in full.
After university he travelled around India for nearly a year, and he has had family holidays there with his parents over the years.
Although he has now lived in London for 20 years, Majumdar feels a strong sense of kinship with Wales. “I feel like I have Bengali roots entwined with a Welsh upbringing. People ask, where you from? I say I am Welsh with Bengali heritage. I support India in the cricket, Wales in the rugby.”
Recently he did a Zoom call with his parents’ Bengali friends in Wales who had seen him grow up. “They are really proud. I was just talking about my life and my career.”
These days his reading is restricted mainly to scripts, but if he were marooned on a mythical desert island, the five books he would take are: You People by Nikita Lalwani; Invisible Man by Ralph Ellison; Great Expectations by Charles Dickens; JRR Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings; and Gitanjali, Rabindranath Tagore’s collection of poems.
The five favourite movies he could watch again and again would be: Goodfellas; Sholay; 2001: A Space Odyssey; There Will Be Blood; and Parasite.
Majumdar’s route into becoming a TV producer and director was circuitous. After Bristol University, he did a postgraduate degree in journalism at Cardiff.
“Then, I was an ITN news trainee. And I worked at Channel Four news, Channel Five news, ITV News, and then I was a BBC production trainee. I think I’m the only person in the history of broadcasting to have done both graduate schemes.”
He started in television making hard-hitting documentaries and current affairs films, including the Bafta nominated Who You Callin’ a N***er? (C4) and Michael Howard: No More Mr Nasty (BBC2). He and a friend, Richard Yee, then set up their own independent production company, Me+You Productions.
He won an Emmy for co-creating Hoff The Record, a British TV comedy show starring Baywatch star David Hasselhoff. It follows a mockumentary, fly-on-the-wall format with Hasselhoff playing a fictionalised version of himself in the autumn of his career, relocating to the UK to seek new opportunities.
Majumdar has just been finishing a second series of the Bafta-nominated drama series, I Am, with award-winning writer-director Dominic Savage for Channel 4.
Majumdar’s espousal of the cause of diversity is not recent or triggered by the Black Lives Matter movement, and his association with Bafta, where he has “risen up the ranks”, goes back 15 years. He has been chair of the learning and new talent committee (2006-2010), chair of the television committee (2015-2019), deputy chair last year and a member of the board of trustees for nine years. He has been a long-time supporter of greater diversity on and off screen throughout his career, and has also been on the Board of Directors UK as well as on the PACT (Producers Alliance for Cinema and Television) council.
He is also chairing Bafta’s awards review, convened in response to the lack of diversity in this year’s nominations. This earned a rebuke from Prince William, Bafta’s president for 10 years, who said: “Yet in 2020, and not for the first time in the last few years, we find ourselves talking again about the need to do more to ensure diversity in the sector and in the awards process. That simply cannot be right in this day and age.”
“What I’m trying to do is make sure Bafta has cleaned up its own side of the street. I want to get our own house in order,” declares Majumdar.
“Yes, I’m the chair,” he goes. “And I also led the steering group driving through the changes. And yes, you could say I am the face of change, but there’s a huge amount of people in the whole organisation is behind me. We realise that it’s Bafta’s value system that needs to be addressed as well.”
He explains: “Bafta alone can’t solve the problem of diversity in this industry, but what we can do is drive change. When we’ve given an award to someone, we are putting value on that person or that film or TV programme and therefore they get more funding, more investment, more kudos. It’s a virtuous circle. Certain people in the past have been ignored, whether that’s actors of colour or female directors.”
After consulting widely, Bafta has decided not to have categories restricted to the ethnic minorities or women.
“What I do think is important is that producers of colour don’t get expected to do just Indian stories or black stories. They can do Pride and Prejudice. Ang Lee did Sense and Sensibility. He brought his aesthetic to it, a fresh perspective.”
Majumdar is the first non-white chairman of Bafta and one of the youngest since it was set up in 1947 by a group that included David Lean and Laurence Olivier.
“I want to see that our academy is open for all and supports members regardless of their background, race, sexuality, disability or gender,” he says. “I’m really optimistic about this moment – something big is happening. And I feel we can really change the whole game. What I’m going to do is to call on the industry to step up.”
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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