SPOKEN WORD ARTIST JASPREET KAUR DISCUSSES HER NEW WORK
SPOKEN word artists have lit up the live scene with sparkling poetry in a big way in recent years and added a bright new dimension to popular culture.
Jaspreet Kaur, better known as Behind the Netra, has been part of that exciting new wave and used the power of words to entertain audiences at a wide array of live events. That first connection with creativity started when she started writing poetry as a 13-year-old, as a way of expressing and releasing teenage emotions. “Writing not only became my form of expression but also a way to unpack, explore and navigate what it meant to be a brown girl growing up in the east end of London,” explained Jaspreet Kaur.
The frustration of not being able to find strong brown women in mainstream media inspired her to channel that energy into poetry and writing, as a way to share important stories from her own voice. Then while doing a masters in Gender Studies, that passion for poetry began developing into its spoken form. “At the time, I was writing research topics on significant issues within the south Asian community, such as ongoing son preference, mental health stigma, body image and changes needed in wider institutions such as social policy, education and the workplace. I knew not everyone has the time to read a 20,000-word thesis, but they might have the time to read or listen to a short poem. So, I plucked up the courage to attend an open mic event in west London in the hope to voice the social injustices that I was writing about in my research and poetry. It was my first ever live performance and the first time I shared my poetry in a public space,” she said.
The following day the poem entitled Queens and Corpses, about the ongoing son preference in south Asian communities, went viral and struck a chord globally. That made Jaspreet realise the power of the spoken word and it became a powerful tool for her own self-confidence, to start conversations, shake up the status quo, and impact positive social change. This subsequently led to many live performances, signing with Pan Macmillan for her debut book, Brown Girl Like Me, in May 2020, and a journey exploring what it is to be a brown, British feminist in this new decade.
The latest chapter in the increasingly interesting journey where she is taking a deep dive into
important issues affecting Asian girls and women, is her collaboration with acclaimed musician Sarah Sayeed for Savitri, which premieres at the Leeds Opera Festival on August 27. The live piece combining music and poetry reimagines Holst’s epic opera of the Sanskrit tale Savitri for 21st century audiences. “I was really keen to write a spoken word poem about Savitri that conveyed her as independent and assertive, but also how her devotion, wisdom, intelligence, and fighting spirit show how multi-layered a woman can be. I feel that this is something many brown women here in the UK can resonate with.”
Jaspreet says that Savriti’s story has often been “told on her behalf”, not only through Holst’s opera but also through other writings, music, poem and 34 films, but she wanted to write a spoken word poem from her voice as if to tell her version of events. “In Holst’s version of the Savitri story, Satyavan, her husband, is aware of maya (illusion) in theory but oblivious to the fact that he is in its grip. It takes all of Savitri’s ingenuity, love, and conviction to overcome death. I wanted to convey how Savitri is spiritually superior to Satyavan insofar as she has already understood the experience of maya (‘once I knew maya, now it is forgot’) “Ultimately, it’s a story of her autonomy and choice, but also a story about love. I think Savriti’s story reflects many nuances of what it means to be a brown woman even today. How we can be both soft and strong.”
She enjoyed working with Sarah Sayeed on Savitri and says they connected instantly. Both were excited to unpack each other’s vision for Savriti and the story they wanted to portray for her. “I love collaborating with artists that are willing to take risks, experiment and ultimately produce imaginative creations. Sarah has done that with kindness and humility, and we’ve had lots of fun along the way.”
The biggest challenge they faced while collaborating on Savitri was having to work virtually because of the pandemic. Jaspreet is confident that the audience will feel moved, captivated and empowered by their work. “I hope they’re able to see Savitri’s story in a new light, one that they may have not considered before. Ultimately, I want the audience to see that a single story can be interpreted in a multitude of different ways, and that’s a beautiful thing.”
She is happy spoken word has become popular in recent years and thinks it’s a great way to voice untold stories and struggles. The writer, poet, teacher and spoken word artist is committed to using her work to tackle gender discrimination, mental health stigma, the postcolonial immigrant experience, and taboo issues within the south Asian community. She is looking forward to performing live again, now the world is slowly opening up.
“Performing live is one of the things I missed most during the pandemic. Seeing the audience’s faces, their expression and having the chance to speak to them face-to-face help me grow as an artist. It allows me to learn what my audiences most engage with, what I could write more on, and it’s always wonderful to hear how an audience has connected to or interpreted my work.”
Jaspreet is inspired by her parents, students, and young people she works with, and the sense of purpose she finds in her work. “Whether it’s teaching, writing, or performing, it all helps connect me to the Sikh principle of sewa, which means selfless service. Sometimes it’s easy to get caught up in the noise around you, so I find it important to stay grounded and remind myself of my mission to help people.”
Sarah Sayeed and Jaspreet Kaur’s new response to Savitri will premiere on August 27 Leeds Opera Festival.
Do not expect any parties in Downing Street to celebrate the government’s first birthday on Friday (4). After a rocky year, prime minister Sir Keir Starmer had more than a few regrets when giving interviews about his first year in office.
He explained that he chose the wrong chief of staff. That his opening economic narrative was too gloomy. That choosing the winter fuel allowance as a symbol of fiscal responsibility backfired. Starmer ‘deeply regretted’ the speech he gave to launch his immigration white paper, from which only the phrase ‘island of strangers’ cut through. Can any previous political leader have been quite so self-critical of their own record in real time?
This unconventional approach could be a reminder of Starmer’s best quality: that he is the antithesis of US president Donald Trump. Trump has a narcissistic need to be the main character, a hyperactive addiction to conflict, the attention span of a toddler and no interest in policy substance beyond the television and social media optics. So Trump is the disruptor in chief of global trade, security and the US constitutional order. Given a binary choice, it is infinitely better to have the serious sobriety of Starmer, trying to cooperate with allies to limit Trump’s chaotic contributions to increased insecurity.
Yet, it is a contrast that could be taken too far. Trump realises that politics is about what you say as well as what you do. What Starmer is palpably still missing is a clear public story of what his government is for. This was partly a matter of choice. A gritty public mood has little appetite for new visions, unless shown tangible progress first. It reflects the taciturn character of the leader too. Yet the issue is not simply one of communication. The challenge of finding a narrative reflects uncertainty about the strategic direction of the government.
Judged by its actions, this is a centre-left government. It has made many decisions that the previous Conservative government would not have taken. It changed the fiscal rules, borrowing much more for investment. Despite the constraints of its manifesto pledges on most taxes, it did raise taxes so as to have more to spend on the NHS, and on housebuilding. The government is committed to higher defence spending, and also to net zero, to closer UK-EU relations, within the ‘red lines’ which Labour set out, as it takes care to check if it can take the public with it. It will work with multilateral institutions, rather than quitting treaties and conventions. If this is a centre-left government in its deeds, it may prefer to self-identify as something else, without quite managing to articulate what that is.
So this has been a very tactical government, which has changed its mind about most of its tactical choices. The Comprehensive Spending Review was intended as a reset moment, in giving the government clearer priorities, though it has been challenging to make the numbers add up. But the parliamentary rebellion over its welfare bill could prove a more significant turning point. A government which won a landslide had lost its majority once 125 of its MPs - a majority of the backbench - declared they were unable to pass a government bill without a significant change. This was about the substantive impact of heavy income losses for disabled people - and the lack of a rationale beyond saving money. This rebellion is also about the political strategy of the government. Much of the parliamentary group seem diminishing returns in actively picking fights with progressives who Labour will need to keep the populism of Reform leader Nigel Farage out.
Can Starmer fix his government? The prime minister is 62 years old. He cannot change his personality or working style, not metamorphosis into a visionary speech-maker. There is little point in advisers inventing hypothetical strategies - such as choosing to present Starmer as a radical insurgent, rather than the sober incumbent, which cannot fit with the prime minister they have got, and his gradualist agenda for long-term change. Yet Starmer could use his evident capacity for self-reflection to identify feasible changes. He needs to repair how his Downing Street operation makes decisions - and now knows that backbench support is not unconditional.
Facing a fragmented opposition, Labour’s chances of re-election in four years time may be underestimated. Yet most of Labour’s tactical mistakes have come from trying to run a permanent election campaign in government, four years early. The government needs to govern to generate the substantive record and future agenda it would defend from the populist right in 2029. Australia's Anthony Albanese, who faced many similar criticisms to Starmer, bounced back to get re-elected, though the Canadian Liberals changed leaders to defeat the right. How many years Starmer has left in Downing Street is anybody’s guess. This time next year, he would need a stronger story to tell.
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
By clicking the 'Subscribe’, you agree to receive our newsletter, marketing communications and industry
partners/sponsors sharing promotional product information via email and print communication from Garavi Gujarat
Publications Ltd and subsidiaries. You have the right to withdraw your consent at any time by clicking the
unsubscribe link in our emails. We will use your email address to personalize our communications and send you
relevant offers. Your data will be stored up to 30 days after unsubscribing.
Contact us at data@amg.biz to see how we manage and store your data.
Anniversaries can catalyse action. The government appointed the first Windrush Commissioner last week, shortly before Windrush Day, this year marking the 77th anniversary of the ship’s arrival in Britain.
The Windrush generation came to Britain believing what the law said – that they were British subjects, with equal rights in the mother country. But they were to discover a different reality – not just in the 1950s, but in this century too. It is five years since Wendy Williams proposed this external oversight in her review of the lessons of the Windrush scandal. The delay has damaged confidence in the compensation scheme. Williams’ proposal had been for a broader Migrants Commissioner role, since the change needed in Home Office culture went beyond the treatment of the Windrush generation itself.
The Windrush commissioner, the Reverend Clive Foster, a pastor in Nottingham, found himself on home turf in opening a Windrush event at Nottingham Forest’s City ground. Forest legend, Viv Anderson spoke of the racism that his pioneering generation of players faced, being pelted with apples, pears and bananas as a 19 year old, when sent by Brian Clough to warm up on the touchline at Carlisle in his first away game. The event captured the power of story-telling across the generations about past progress and today’s challenges. The 50th anniversary of Anderson becoming England’s first black full international cap, which coincides with co-hosting Euro 2028, offers a landmark moment for football to tell the story of its journey towards inclusion.
Whether Britain should become a multi-ethnic society was fiercely debated in the era of Enoch Powell, two decades after the Windrush docked. This had become a settled social and political fact by the turn of the century. Indeed, Powell himself saw mass repatriation as a time-limited agenda, impossible once half of the Commonwealth-descended population were British-born by the 1980s. The Conservatives moved on to Margaret Thatcher and Norman Tebbit’s case for integration via assimilation. David Cameron later sped up the visible ethnic diversity at the top of the party. After the Windrush scandal, it was the incumbent Conservative governments which officially recognised National Windrush Day and commissioned the National Windrush Memorial in Waterloo station. Yet, the 2020s online right is dividing over how far to re-racialise arguments about who is truly British.
LONDON, ENGLAND - JUNE 22: Baroness Floella Benjamin speaks during the unveiling of the National Windrush Monument at Waterloo Station on June 22, 2022 in London, England. The photograph in the background is by Howard Grey. (Photo by John Sibley - WPA Pool/Getty Images)
Former Tory and Ukip MP Douglas Carswell was once the most vocal critic of anti-migration nativism among Brexit campaigners, repudiating Powell to avoid Nigel Farage putting ethnic minorities off. So how odd it is to see Carswell flip to tweeting, “Out. I don’t care how long you’ve lived here” in calling for the ‘mass deportation’ of Pakistanis from Britain. Carswell told me he now believes the ‘old demonisation’ of such arguments as racist will fail. Moving to the pro-Trump heartlands of Mississippi for his new think-tank gig has badly skewed his perceptions of how the British public think. Former Reform MP Rupert Lowe and Conservative peer David Frost are recommending accounts that promote prejudice.
Think-tanker David Goodhart last week proposed moving the capital from London to York – telling Evening Standard readers that 2030s London may have too few white people to stay as the capital city. Goodhart began arguing that Britain had become too diverse back in 2004, when the visible minority percentage was in single digits. It goes beyond an argument about the pace of change of immigration when the white British score is made the central indicator of how British a place is. That casts millions of British-born minorities as, by definition, diluting Britishness rather than having a shared stake within it.
Can this government tell a shared story of how we got here and where we are going? Or will it tend to communicate to segments of majority and minority audiences in parallel on separate occasions? Downing Street is now working at pace to deepen the government’s policy agenda. The existence of a new social cohesion taskforce may reflect how anniversaries catalyse attention. The anniversary of August’s riots will be a natural focal point for scrutiny of how far the government has been able to combine getting tough on the riots in real-time with a long-term plan to address the causes of cohesion. The third anniversary of the Leicester disorder of 2022 will also attract further scrutiny into when the delayed independent inquiry report into the local and national lessons may finally materialise.
The prime minister, Sir Keir Starmer, regrets the ‘island of strangers’ controversy over his immigration white paper – so he hopes to place as much emphasis on the case for integration as his fear of the risks of its absence. One test of the government this summer is whether it can navigate the contested language of identity more confidently. What will matter most is whether action can be sustained to address the vacuum in national policy once the anniversaries that spur flurries of action go past.
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
Ed Sheeran and Arijit Singh’s ‘Sapphire’ collaboration misses the mark
The song everyone is talking about this month is Sapphire – Ed Sheeran’s collaboration with Arijit Singh. But instead of a true duet, Arijit takes more of a backing role to the British pop superstar, which is a shame, considering he is the most followed artist on Spotify. The Indian superstar deserved a stronger presence on the otherwise catchy track. On the positive side, Sapphire may inspire more international artists to incorporate Indian elements into their music. But going forward, any major Indian names involved in global collaborations should insist on equal billing, rather than letting western stars ride on their popularity.
Ed Sheeran and Arijit Singh
Aziz Ansari’s Hollywood comedy ‘Good Fortune’ could be a sleeper hit
Last year, I predicted that the Hollywood film Good Fortune would be one of this year’s big sleeper hits. The positive early response to its recently released trailer confirms that writer, director, producer and lead star Aziz Ansari is onto a winner. The body-swap comedy features Keanu Reeves as a bumbling guardian angel who lands in trouble after interfering in the lives of a ruthless venture capitalist (Seth Rogen) and an overworked, underpaid employee (Ansari). Due for release on 17 October, the film is expected to be a major hit – and could well establish stand-up star Ansari as a serious Hollywood power player.
Aziz Ansari’s Hollywood comedy ‘Good Fortune’
Punjabi cinema’s power-packed star cast returns in ‘Sarbala Ji’
Gippy Grewal, Ammy Virk, Sargun Mehta and Nimrat Khaira starring together in a film is reason enough to get excited about Sarbala Ji. These four hugely popular stars – all of whom have delivered some of the finest Punjabi films in recent years – have teamed up for a comedy packed with drama, emotion and entertainment. The trailer for the film, which is set for release on 18 July, has received an expectedly positive response and is likely to ensure a strong box office opening. The success of Saunkan Saunkanay 2, which featured Mehta, Virk and Khaira in leading roles, has only added more momentum to Sarbala Ji.
Punjabi cinema’s power-packed star cast returns in ‘Sarbala Ji’
Pakistani stars deserve better than ‘tacky’ London events
One thing that rarely gets discussed is how Pakistani stars visiting London often end up at the tackiest venues for events and film promotions. Earlier this year, Hania Aamir – like many of her contemporaries – headlined an event at a banqueting hall that looked more like a disorganised wedding than a celebrity showcase. More recently, Mahira Khan and Humayun Saeed, in the capital to promote their film Love Guru, somehow found themselves in a horse-drawn carriage en route to a restaurant. Several Pakistani celebrities have also been on the receiving end of dubious awards from unverified individuals and organisations. Taken together, this suggests they may not fully realise their worth – and are being guided by all the wrong people.
Mahira Khan
‘Housefull 5’ proves Bollywood is trolling its own audience
The recently released Housefull 5 is a prime example of how some Bollywood producers appear to be trolling their own audiences. Instead of raising the bar after years of subpar Hindi cinema, this brainless comedy leans on a cast of has-been stars and is so shoddily made that it feels like the filmmakers no longer care about delivering quality. Far from making audiences laugh, the self-indulgent nonsense came across as mockery – as if the film were laughing at anyone foolish enough to spend money on a ticket.
‘Housefull 5’ proves Bollywood is trolling its own audience
Brilliant indie film ‘Chidiya’ suffers in Bollywood’s broken system
The mafia mentality in Bollywood has meant that great low-budget films rarely receive wide distribution, meaningful marketing or proper backing. While audiences are regularly subjected to poorly written blockbusters fronted by big-name stars, genuinely entertaining, story-driven films are often sidelined. That is why the new film Chidiya took nearly a decade to secure even a limited release. The modestly budgeted drama, about two young brothers who transform a junkyard into a makeshift badminton court, earned widespread acclaim on the international festival circuit and received strong reviews upon release. Yet it failed to reach the audience it deserved – a casualty of the broken state of Indian cinema. If Chidiya eventually finds its way onto a streaming platform, it will be well worth watching.
Brilliant indie film ‘Chidiya’
John Abraham keeps landing roles – but can he still deliver?
Headlining flop films as a solo hero has not stopped John Abraham from landing more Bollywood projects. The actor recently announced that he will star in a film based on the comic book Munkeeman, as well as a biopic inspired by the life of police officer Rakesh Maria. While Abraham can hardly be blamed for cashing in, the producers backing these ventures are certainly taking a risk – the star is clearly past his prime and no longer drawing significant audience attention.
John Abraham
Hina Khan’s wedding is a quiet symbol of unity in divisive times
The recent wedding of popular actress Hina Khan and her long-term partner Rocky Jaiswal carried a deeper meaning that many may have overlooked. At a time of rising communal division in India, this interfaith marriage between two high-profile individuals stood as a quiet but powerful symbol of unity. Hina also found her happily ever after following a difficult battle with cancer. The couple wore Manish Malhotra-designed outfits for their intimate ceremony and received warm wishes from well-wishers across the globe.
Hina Khan and her long-term partner Rocky Jaiswal
Shanaya Kapoor’s troubled debut raises red flags
It really does seem like newcomer Shanaya Kapoor is jinxed. After her initial film launch was shelved, she signed on for Aankhon Ki Gustaakhiyan opposite Vikrant Massey. Unfortunately for her, the teaser trailer for the romantic musical drama has generated very little buzz. She spends most of it wearing a blindfold in various scenes. As the daughter of flop actor Sanjay Kapoor, Shanaya may be heading towards a similarly underwhelming debut when the film releases on 11 July.
Shanaya Kapoor's troubled debut
Pakistani female influencers face dangerous realities
Social media platforms like Instagram and TikTok have opened up new pathways for many individuals in South Asia to earn substantial incomes. While content creators in India have largely thrived, female influencers in Pakistan continue to face threats from right-wing extremists and stalkers. This was tragically illustrated by the recent murder of 17-year-old social media influencer Sana Yousuf, who was shot dead by a man after she rejected him. The incident is a chilling reminder of the dangers faced by female creators in the country, and highlights the urgent need for stronger protection and support. Many continue to pursue their work but must remain extremely cautious.
Sana Yousuf
Keep ReadingShow less
Portraits of Iranian military generals and nuclear scientists, killed in Israel’s last Friday (13) attack, are seen above a road, as heavy smoke rises from an oil refinery in southern Teheran hit in an overnight Israeli strike last Sunday (15)
THERE is one question to which none of us has the answer: if the ayatollahs are toppled, who will take over in Teheran?
I am surprised that Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Hosseini Khamenei, has lasted as long as he has. He is 86, and would achieve immortality as a “martyr” in the eyes of regime supporters if the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, succeeded in assassinating him. This was apparently Netanyahu’s plan, though he was apparently dissuaded by US president Donald Trump from going ahead with the killing.
One thing I do know about the regime in Teheran is that it is deeply pragmatic when it comes to its own survival. Right now, it faces the greatest threat to its existence since the Islamic Republic was founded in 1979, after the Shah fled the country.
There was a point in my life when I was spending so much time in Teheran – as the Daily Telegraph’s Iran correspondent – that my hotel suggested I leave my tin trunk behind rather than keep hauling it back and forth between Teheran and London. I suspect it is still somewhere in the basement of the Intercontinental Hotel. I am referring to 1979, when I first arrived in the city as a young reporter on my first major foreign assignment. What was meant to be a three-month stay turned into nearly two years, after militant students captured the American embassy and kept the hostage crisis going for 444 days. I also reported on the long and bloody war between Iran and Iraq, in which a million people died.
My contacts book tells the story of contemporary Iran – and tragically, almost everyone listed in it met a violent death. For example, foreign minister Sadegh Ghotbzadeh was executed by the regime for allegedly plotting a coup against Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the revolution’s spiritual leader. Ayatollah Mohammad Beheshti, the second most powerful figure after Khomeini, was blown up in a bombing that destroyed the Islamic Republican Party’s headquarters in Teheran. (When I once asked Beheshti for help in extending my visa by a week, he picked up the phone – and I ended up staying for another year.) I know all too well the parts of Teheran now being bombed by Israel.
Although most of my reporting was from the capital, I did travel outside Teheran, particularly to the holy city of Qom. This was where Khomeini was based in the early days until for health reasons he was moved in April 1980 to Jamaran, a village in the foothills of the Alborz mountains north of Teheran, near the Niavaran Palace – the former residence of the Shah. Khomeini issued his fatwa against Salman Rushdie over The Satanic Verses on February 14, 1989, and died on June 3 that same year, aged 86. Since then, Khamenei has ruled. Given the Shia reverence for martyrdom, his death could only enhance his symbolic power – and there is no guarantee it would bring down the regime. My guess is that the ayatollahs are in a dilemma. They know that while they can inflict civilian casualties, they cannot win a war against Israel. As ever, they will be searching for a face-saving way to end the nightly hostilities. The Israeli prime minister, who has likely been planning a strike on Iran’s nuclear sites for years, may not be ready to stop now.
When I first went to Iran, the population was 37 million. Today, it stands at 90 million. Undoubtedly, there are Iranians who would welcome the overthrow of the ayatollahs. But equally, most of the population have known nothing but life under an Islamic regime. The Revolutionary Guard Corps is largely drawn from the younger generation. Iranian scientists almost certainly possess the fundamental knowledge needed to build an atomic bomb. Their facilities may have been destroyed, but their collective expertise cannot be erased. Iran could also withstand the loss of a million lives in a prolonged conflict with Israel.
Israel, to be sure, has a powerful military backed by the United States. But its population is just 10 million, compared to Iran’s, which is approaching 100 million.
The Islamic Republic is built to take advantage of chaos. If I had to make a guess – based on years of reporting on the ayatollahs and watching the regime adapt – it is that politics in Iran is going to move from a state of chaos to even greater chaos.
Keep ReadingShow less
A woman poses with a sign as members of the public queue to enter a council meeting during a protest calling for justice for victims of sexual abuse and grooming gangs, outside the council offices at City Centre on January 20, 2025 in Oldham, England
WAS a national inquiry needed into so-called grooming gangs? Prime minister Sir Keir Starmer did not think so in January, but now accepts Dame Louise Casey’s recommendation to commission one.
The previous Conservative government – having held a seven-year national inquiry into child sexual abuse – started loudly championing a new national inquiry once it lost the power to call one. Casey explains why she changed her mind too after her four-month, rapid audit into actions taken and missed on group-based exploitation and abuse. A headline Casey theme is the ‘shying away’ from race.
The (Alexis) Jay inquiry (in 2014) found ethnicity data too patchy to draw firm conclusions. Casey shows that too little has changed. Ethnicity data on perpetrators is published – but the police fail to collect it in a third of cases. That low priority to ethnicity data collection is a problem across policing – forming an impediment to scrutiny of ethnic disparities of every kind.
In Greater Manchester, Casey reports perpetrators of sexual abuse generally reflect the local population, but with a disproportionate number of Asian perpetrators in group-based offending. There was a misplaced ‘political correctness’ when police forces and councils were responding to group-based abuse by British Pakistani perpetrators. Yet, there was nothing ‘politically correct’ about a sexist, classist culture that did not believe the victims. They were often vulnerable, adolescent girls with a history of living in care or with repeated episodes of going missing – and were seen as wayward teenagers, treated as ‘consenting’ to sex once they had turned thirteen.
Our society was much too slow to act on the abuse of children in every setting. The trigger for the national inquiry into child sexual exploitation was the outpouring of allegations about Jimmy Saville. In every setting, the instinct was more often to cover up rather than to clean up. Care homes failed to protect the most vulnerable. Prestigious public schools put containing reputational damage first. The focus on institutions meant that group-based offending formed only one strand of the national inquiry, without the scale to dig fully into local experiences.
There is a key difference between group-based and individual offending. Groups are a joint enterprise, so depend on a shared rejection of social norms among the perpetrators. It is important to be able to talk confidently about toxic sub-cultures of misogyny and abuse within British Pakistani communities, and to support women from within Asian communities and feminist allies who have been seeking to challenge and change it. So why has it seemed so difficult to say this – and to have taken too long to act upon it?
When writing my book How to be a patriot a couple of years ago, I suggested that one key driver of this misplaced reluctance to discuss cultural factors over this issue reflects a confusion and conflation between ethnicity, faith and culture. If people intuit that talking about cultural factors must mean something like ‘the inherent properties of an ethnic and faith group’, there is a fear that this will inevitability generalise about and stereotype whole groups. Yet, few people would struggle to acknowledge the role of cultural factors in the role of the
Church in twentieth century Ireland. A social norm that saw sex and sexuality as a taboo subject, combined with institutional deference to the church, left children unprotected – until there was significant pressure for change. So ‘cultural factors’ were part of the problem – but that did not mean that all Catholics were child-molesters. The trial in France of 51 men involved in raping one woman similarly illustrates the culture of misogyny in France among a sub-group of men willing to join in a rape gang when invited to do so.
So the irony is that it would perpetuate precisely that kind of ethnic stereotype to fail to police the law so as not to offend the Pakistani Muslim community, by seeming to turn the behaviour of a criminal sub-group into a community characteristic. Failing to address sexual exploitation for fear of extremist exploitation of the issue was always self-defeating. Being able to address the issue is a key foundation for being able to challenge effectively those whose motive is to spread prejudice.
The reviews by Jay and Casey into group-based exploitation in Rotherham had profile and consequences in 2015. The entire council leadership resigned. In most other places, victims went and felt unheard. There was a sound logic that local inquiries were most likely to have the granular focus to deliver accountability – but few areas volunteered to host them. Those that did happen lacked the teeth to compel cooperation.
Casey’s proposed model is essentially for local hearings, backed by statutory national powers. It is a chance to move on from partisan blame games and ensure that the victims of historic abuse are finally heard – rebuilding confidence in policing and prosecuting without fear or favour.
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.