PRIME MINISTER Sir Keir Starmer was, if anything, a little late in coming to the party when he accorded formal recognition of a Palestinian state last Sunday (21).
India did so on November 18, 1988, two days after Pakistan and Bangladesh.
Starmer has followed most of the rest of the world.
His words were clear: “So today, to revive the hope of peace and a two-state solution, I state clearly as prime minister of this great country that the United Kingdom formally recognises the state of Palestine. We recognised the state of Israel more than 75 years ago, as a homeland for the Jewish people. Today, we join more than 150 countries who recognise a Palestinian state, a pledge to the Palestinian and Israeli people that there can be a better future.”
The UK’s move coincided with similar recognition from Canada, Australia and Portugal. Other countries also joining the list are Belgium, France, Luxembourg, Malta and possibly New Zealand and Liechtenstein.
Although Starmer said “we recognised the state of Israel more than 75 years ago”, it would be more accurate to state that the UK was the prime mover in the creation of “a homeland for the Jewish people” in 1948.
Therefore, the UK’s formal recognition of a Palestinian state is not just one more country joining a long list. It has moral and international significance.
To be sure, there is a tiny minority of people in the UK who argue Starmer is in the wrong, but a referendum would show that probably 75-90 per cent of the British people think he is in the right.
Most people are persuaded that in response to Hamas’s brutal killing on October 7, 2023, of 1,195 people (among them 736 Israeli citizens, including 38 children, 79 foreign nationals and 379 members of the security forces) and the taking of about 250 hostages, Israel has and is continuing to commit genocide in Gaza. This is acknowledged by Jewish people brave enough to speak out.
Omer Bartov can hardly be accused of being anti-Semitic. He is Dean’s professor of Holocaust and genocide studies at Brown University in the US.
His article, Never Again, in the New York Times in July, stated: “I’m a Genocide Scholar. I Know It When I See It.”
He wrote: “My inescapable conclusion has become that Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinian people. Having grown up in a Zionist home, lived the first half of my life in Israel, served in the I.D.F. as a soldier and officer and spent most of my career researching and writing on war crimes and the Holocaust, this was a painful conclusion to reach, and one that I resisted as long as I could. But I have been teaching classes on genocide for a quarter of a century. I can recognise one when I see one.”
He pointed out: “This is not just my conclusion. A growing number of experts in genocide studies and international law have concluded that Israel’s actions can only be defined as genocide.”
Last week, a UN commission of inquiry also said Israel had committed genocide in Gaza. Across a three-page resolution, the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS) presented a litany of actions undertaken by Israel throughout the 22-month-long war that it recognises as constituting genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
And earlier this month, Israel’s Supreme Court ruled that the state is failing to provide adequate food to Palestinian prisoners, and must take steps to improve their nutrition. The three-judge bench said the government was legally obliged to provide prisoners with enough nutrition to ensure “a basic level of existence”.
Again, the judges can hardly be accused of being anti-Semitic.
Benjamin Netanyahu
The United States is one of the few countries that continues to give unquestioning support to Israel, which it considers its main ally in the region.
Meanwhile, for the British people, the Gaza war is no longer something far away. As Starmer said: “I know the strength of feeling that this provokes. We have seen it on our streets, in our schools, in conversations we’ve had with friends and family. It has created division. Some have used it to stoke hatred and fear, but that solves nothing.”
Backed by the US, Israel prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government has the military power to destroy Gaza completely, which it has pretty much done, kill or starve to death a significant part of its population, and occupy the West Bank.
But there is a price to pay for that – apart from international condemnation which Israel can choose to ignore. It does mean there is no long-term peace for the people of Israel who will have to resign themselves to war without end.
It may be wiser to accept a Palestinian state, help to rebuild Gaza, pull out of the illegal settlements in the West Bank – and, at least, seriously test whether this new path works.
A man holds a flag that reads "We want our country back," as protesters gather on the day of an anti-immigration rally organised by British anti-immigration activist Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, also known as Tommy Robinson, in London, Britain, September 13, 2025.
WHY ARE we going backwards on racism in Britain? How disappointing to have to ask that in 2025. I have long been an optimist about the future of multi-ethnic Britain, because I felt my country change for the better in each of the four decades since I left primary school. The vocal overt racism on the football terraces of my teenage years was largely shown the red card by the mid-1990s. This century saw much more ethnic minority presence in professional and public life.
But it has got harder to be optimistic this autumn, because of lived experience too. I personally get so much more racist abuse most weeks in 2025 than I ever did in 2005. Black and Asian people have increasingly equal opportunities to reach the top, but a viscerally and unacceptably unequal experience of public space. The worst racist trolls openly boast online of their sense of impunity for racist abuse: a sentiment spilling out in surges of racist graffiti on bus stops, Chinese restaurants, even the playground in my local park.
So it matters that prime minister Sir Keir Starmer has now found his voice again on racism after weeks of anxious silence. He recognised this summer’s surge of racism and insisted that our flags must stand for shared pride, not prejudice. Words do matter in reinforcing social norms. What I want to hear next, in Starmer’s party conference speech in Liverpool, is a commitment to lead a government that will be tough on racism and tough on the causes of racism.
Such a pledge to follow words with action would depend on filling a vacuum in government policy thinking. Starmer’s Sun on Sunday article quickly pivoted to the economy, citing the long shadow of the 2008 financial crash. That is a good explanation of anxiety about the cost of living, the condition of public services and voter impatience with his new government. It does much less to explain the patterns of prejudice, fear and hatred in British society.
Hostile attitudes towards minorities cut across divides by wealth and class. They are more prevalent among older people who have fully paid off their mortgage than young people struggling to find their first deposit. That it was the world’s richest man who championed violence via video-link to the London crowd shows that radicalisation and racism can reach the very apex of the global income distribution. The profile of those people who insist Muslims could never be compatible with western democracy – and believe that a violent convict like Tommy Robinson could be the man to ‘unite the Kingdom’ – has next to no correlation with employment or income levels.
What matters much more is the quantity, quality and distribution of meaningful contact with people from different backgrounds. Political, media and social cues also shape how far those who lack that real-world contact come to fear and hate groups of their fellow citizens as a dangerous, existential threat.
But the centre-left's comfort zone is to code rising prejudice as mainly a by-product of socio-economic anxiety. That risks making racism something to ‘call out’ rhetorically before changing the subject back to wages and the NHS. We need a deeper response. This country did not make our past progress in law, policy or social norms by chance. We need intentional action again to halt regressive forces now. Without a more coherent account of the drivers of prejudice and fear in society, this government will struggle to identify practicable strategies to challenge racism or promote cohesion effectively.
There are nascent efforts to fill the gaps. A low-profile social cohesion taskforce beavers away in Downing Street, though the reshuffle disruption has left it unclear which ministers will lead the policy response. The government has commissioned a working group to define anti-Muslim prejudice, though it will need to overcome its reluctance to explain why this matters to the non-Muslim majority.
My 18-year-old self would be impressed by just how much we now follow up our talk about zero tolerance for racism in football stadiums. He would be baffled, however, by the inconsistency and inaction towards racism outside sport. Like inclusive patriotism, tackling racism should be much more than a 90-minute commitment. The P-word gets routinely used on X (formerly Twitter) to racially abuse home secretary Shabana Mahmood and other public voices ranging from Zarah Sultana on the left to Zia Yusuf of Reform. In more than 95 per cent of cases, the X platform defends unlawful racist harassment. Until there are consequences for the platform protecting and even amplifying its most incessantly racist users, this government will be turning a blind eye to the de facto legalisation of racial hatred in our country.
Being tough on the causes of racism will take complex, contested, long-term work. Being consistently tough on racism itself should be a simple, essential starting point.
Sunder Katwalawww.easterneye.biz
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
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Thames Valley Police officers conduct security checks in Windsor last Friday (12) ahead of Donald Trump’s state visit
US PRESIDENT Donald Trump’s visit sees the British state deploy all of its pomp and pageantry to stroke his ego. King Charles has the constitutional duty of pretending to like the American president, as his UK government seeks to limit the economic damage and diplomatic fallout of this more volatile second Trump term.
But could Trump’s presence provide a spectre of British politics yet to come? He arrives with Reform leader Nigel Farage riding high in the polls, and after Tommy Robinson’s mass rally in London.
Hope Not Hate called it the biggest far-right rally in British history. Many of those who attended would dispute that characterisation, but the organisers certainly had no qualms about platforming extremist content. Elon Musk went much further than Enoch Powell, whose ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech claimed to be prophesying violence to avert the danger. The radicalised Musk told the large crowd that violence was coming, so that they should adopt it pre-emptively. Musk’s ability to enter Britain in future must depend on a public retraction of this call for violence.
The mood music of British politics seems to be moving sharply to the right. Yet the Labour government has lost its voice on challenging racism for much of this summer. When it is struggling so badly on asylum, the fear of being perceived to call everybody racist has seemingly left it unable to criticise even neo-Nazis.
Immigration was one of Trump’s strongest issues at the last election. Nigel Farage now seeks to emulate that with his arguments for mass deportations and abolishing asylum in the UK.
So a new BritishFuture report, “How we can actually stop the boats,” takes on the exam question that does most to keep ministers up at night. I have coauthored the report with Frank Sharry, a US immigration expert who also worked for the Biden and Harris campaigns. It details some surprising lessons from America about how to avoid our own Trump moment here.
For three years, the Biden administration struggled with unauthorised entry of two million people a year – a much greater inflow than the small boats that feel like an existential threat in Downing Street. Biden initially sought to duck the issue, seeing it as a distraction from his economic agenda. But that political strategy of avoidance failed.
Yet the untold story about the Biden administration at the border is not just about political failure – but also of a belated policy success. A mix of diplomatic cooperation, a significant new legal route and the refusal and return of those who came outside of it, led to illegal border crossings from Mexico falling by 81 per cent in the final year of the Biden administration. It happened too late, politically, for the Kamala Harris campaign, but it offers insight to Shabana Mahmood and Keir Starmer over how to defeat Trumpism in Britain.
The UK and US contexts are not identical but there are transferable lessons. The new UK-French pilot scheme works on similar principles. The initial pilot scheme may begin by removing 50 people a week – about 2,500 a year. That is around one in seventeen people crossing the Channel. A pilot won’t significantly reduce numbers, or disrupt the smugglers’ business model, while most people know this is unlikely to affect them .
But if the pilot can be expanded ten-fold, it would make returns more likely than not. At twenty times the scale, it could operationalise a returns guarantee. That could reduce crossings by 75 per cent and provide a path to closing down the irregular route as a viable way to claim asylum in Britain. The US experience offers hard evidence of what can be achieved when this approach is delivered at scale. The government does want to scale the pilot at pace and is dealing with the legal, practical and political challenges, including political instability in France.
The British Future report presents striking new evidence of how the ‘routes for returns’ deal can depolarise public opinion too. We hear a lot about the anger of those protesting outside hotels, and sometimes the counterprotestors too. But most people are balancers on immigration. A majority want action on Channel crossings but still want Britain to protect refugees in need. Farage’s rejectionist case for ditching the principle of refugee protection would destroy too much; but the humanitarian counter-argument needs to combine both more control as well as more compassion if it is to secure popular support.
The anti-Trump protestors can claim to speak for Britain: three-quarters of people remain bemused that American voters could have chosen Trump a second time.
Most people would prefer an orderly, controlled and humane system to the populist threat of tearing everything up. The government’s job is to show that combining control and compassion can work.
Sunder Katwala
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
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Piyush Goyal with Jonathan Reynolds at Chequers during the signing of the UK–India Free Trade Agreement in July
IN SIR KEIR STARMER’S cabinet reshuffle last week, triggered by the resignation of Angela Rayner, the prime minister shifted Jonathan Reynolds from business and trade secretary and president of the board of trade after barely a year in the post to chief whip, making him responsible for the party.
The move doesn’t make much sense. At Chequers, the UK-India Free Trade Agreement was signed by Reynolds, and the Indian commerce and industry minister, Piyush Goyal. They had clearly established a friendly working relationship.
Reynolds apparently bought Goyal an ice cream some weeks ago when they were walking in London’s Hyde Park and ironed out the last remaining problems.
Goyal will have to start all over again with Reynolds’s replacement, Peter Kyle.
At least, Lisa Nandy, who managed to sign a cultural agreement with India, remains culture secretary, despite persistent reports she was due for the sack. I have high hopes of Kanishka Narayan, who has been appointed parliamentary under-secretary in the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology. Crucially, chancellor Rachel Reeves has not been given another job.
But, in his heart of hearts, Starmer must know he cannot win the next general election if she remains his chancellor. Her vindictive VAT raid on private schools has ruined the lives of many children and forced school after school to close. And the rules on inheritance tax and non-doms have driven many Indian entrepreneurs to flee to Dubai. Starmer should be “pragmatic” – a word he likes – and reverse these policies for the good of the country.
Finding romance today feels like trying to align stars in a night sky that refuses to stay still
When was the last time you stumbled into a conversation that made your heart skip? Or exchanged a sweet beginning to a love story - organically, without the buffer of screens, swipes, or curated profiles? In 2025, those moments feel rarer, swallowed up by the quickening pace of life.
We are living faster than ever before. Cities hum with noise and neon, people race between commitments, and ambition seems to be the rhythm we all march to. In the process, the simple art of connection - eye contact, lingering conversations, the gentle patience of getting to know someone - feels like it is slipping through our fingers.
Whether you’re single, searching, or settled, the landscape is shifting. Some turn to apps for convenience; others look for love in cafés, gyms, workplaces or community spaces. But the challenge remains the same: how do we connect deeply in a world designed to move at lightning speed?
We’ve become fluent in productivity, in chasing careers, in cultivating polished identities. Yet are we forgetting how to be fluent in intimacy? When was the last time you sat across from someone and truly listened - without checking your phone, without planning the next step, without treating time like a currency to be spent?
It’s a strange paradox: we have more access to people than ever before, yet many feel more isolated. Fun is always available - dinners, drinks, nights out, fleeting encounters - but fulfilment is harder to grasp. Are we mistaking access for intimacy? Are we human, or are we slowly adapting into versions of ourselves stripped of those raw, humanistic qualities - vulnerability, patience, tenderness - that once defined love?
Perhaps we’ve grown comfortable with the fast exit. It’s easier to ghost than to explain. Easier to keep moving than to pause. But what does that cost us? What do we lose when romance becomes a checkbox on an already overstuffed to-do list?
The truth is - the heart doesn’t move at the pace of technology or ambition. It moves slowly, awkwardly, with a rhythm that resists acceleration. Maybe that’s the point. Love has always lived in the messy spaces - hesitant pauses, nervous laughter, words spoken without rehearsal.
So the real question for 2025 is not “Have we gone too far?” but “Can we afford to slow down?” Can we still allow ourselves the sweetness of beginnings - the chance encounters, the unplanned moments, the quiet courage to be open?
Because in the end, connection is not about speed or access—it’s about presence. In a world that won’t stop moving, choosing to be present might be the bravest act of love we have left.
Instagram & TikTok: @Bombae.mix
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Shabana Mahmood, US homeland security secretary Kristi Noem, Canada’s public safety minister Gary Anandasangaree, Australia’s home affairs minister Tony Burke and New Zealand’s attorney general Judith Collins at the Five Eyes security alliance summit on Monday (8)
PRIME MINISTER Keir Starmer’s government is not working. That is the public verdict, one year in. So, he used his deputy Angela Rayner’s resignation to hit the reset button.
It signals a shift in his own theory of change. Starmer wanted his mission-led government to avoid frequent shuffles of his pack, so that ministers knew their briefs. Such a dramatic reshuffle shows that the prime minister has had enough of subject expertise for now, gambling instead that fresh eyes may bring bold new energy to intractable challenges on welfare and asylum.
“Can Shabana Mahmood save Keir Starmer?” is the question being asked in Westminster. Small boats are increasingly talked about as an existential risk to the government. It will not be the only issue at the next general election – the economy and public services will matter, too – but Labour fear being unable to get heard on anything else without visible progress in the Channel.
The new home secretary has been asked to “think the unthinkable”. Ministers and MPs should be eager to try anything that might work – but might heed the lessons of six years of failure to stop the boats as they do. It is hardly as if former Conservative home secretaries Priti Patel and Suella Braverman were unwilling to brainstorm the unthinkable, nor indeed to legislate the unworkable. If performative gestures – asylum seekers on barges – could stop the boats, it would have been all quiet in the Channel long ago.
As justice secretary, Mahmood’s voice was tough on crime, reflecting her communitarianism. Yet her policy involved a liberalism of necessity. With the prisons overflowing, shortening sentences and seeking public consent for alternative forms of punishment was unavoidable. Number 10 media briefings about being willing to make Labour MPs ‘queasy’ on asylum could – ironically – be a form of comfort zone politics; a distraction from tougher choices that might actually work. Hotel use for asylum could end in 2026 – not 2029 – if ministers both streamlined appeals and gave asylum seekers from high-risk countries limited leave to remain – with the right to work and the responsibility to house themselves. It could save billions, if the government can navigate the political risks. Labour’s challenge is to show how it can deliver an orderly and humane system by cooperating with allies, not ripping up treaties.
Migrants in a dinghy crossing the English Channel
As Mahmood becomes the most prominent British Asian and British Muslim in public life, others project contradictory ideas of what they imagine her politics, faith and personality mean. It is curious that Maurice Glasman could declare her the new leader of his Blue Labour faction (though Mahmood does not share the baron’s misplaced enthusiasm for US president Donald Trump) while Reform donor Aaron Banks declared that a Muslim lawyer as home secretary would immediately ‘open the floodgates’ to refugees from Gaza, exemplifying more about his presumptions and prejudices, than her politics.
There is no novelty in a British Asian home secretary now. Sajid Javid broke that ceiling in the Conservative government of 2018, yet Mahmood is already the fifth visible minority politician to hold that office. However, overt racism towards her goes unchecked on X/Twitter – where radicalised site owner and US businessman Elon Musk is infinitely more likely to retweet than to suspend racist voices who say no Muslim should ever be home secretary. That is Tommy Robinson’s view – yet Musk champions his London march on Saturday (13), where ex-soldier and minor TV celebrity Ant Middleton will pitch a London mayoral campaign founded on the absurdly racist proposition that Sadiq Khan, Mahmood and Conservatives opposition leader Kemi Badenoch should be barred from high office if their grandparents were not British-born.
This is the curious paradox of multi-ethnic Britain today: British Asian faces in high places have never been more common. Yet a vocal minority challenges the equal status of ethnic and faith minorities more aggressively than for a generation. It is not just the government that must show more leadership by speaking up to defend our multi-ethnic society. Every civic institution can contribute to how we respect differences and strengthen our common ground.
Knowing our history better is one vital foundation. Everyone is aware of this country’s pride in defeating fascism matters – but fewer know that the armies that won the war look more like our modern Britain of 2025 than that of 1945. Half of the public do know that Indian soldiers took part. Not so many understand that Hindu, Sikh and Muslim soldiers fought alongside British officers in the largest volunteer army the world has ever seen. The My Family Legacy campaign from British Future, the Royal British Legion and Eastern Eye will help British Asian families find and tell their stories. Writing this vital chapter fully into our national history remains work in progress – but can show why national symbols, like the poppy, belong to us all and can help to bring this diverse society together.
Sunder Katwala
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.