Coronation of King Charles III: A guide to the celebrations
Following the coronation on Saturday (May 6) the UK will celebrate with “The Big Coronation Lunch,” where neighbourhood street parties will take place on Sunday (May 7)
On Saturday, May 6, the coronation of King Charles III and his wife Camilla as queen will be the highlight of a weekend of celebrations.
The King's Procession
The day's proceedings will commence with the "King's Procession," a 1.3-mile (two-kilometre) journey from Buckingham Palace in central London to Westminster Abbey.
The couple will travel in the Diamond Jubilee State Coach, drawn by six Windsor Grey horses, while being escorted by members of the king's bodyguard, the Household Cavalry.
The ceremony will begin at 11:00 am (1000 GMT) upon their arrival.
The Ceremony and Guests
The upcoming coronation ceremony will be approximately an hour in length and presided over by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, the highest-ranking cleric in the Church of England.
The ceremony will be attended by around 2,000 individuals, including foreign dignitaries, members of royalty, elected officials, and representatives from civil society, all of whom will be present inside Westminster Abbey.
The Recognition
The coronation ceremony has remained largely unchanged for over 1,000 years. The first step involves presenting the new monarch to the congregation, who respond by shouting "God Save the King!"
The Oath
The next stage sees the king taking the coronation oath, which has evolved over the centuries. In 1953, for instance, Charles's mother, Queen Elizabeth II, took an oath to rule according to the law, administer justice with mercy, and uphold the Church of England.
She also pledged to govern the Commonwealth realms and territories where she was the head of state in accordance with their respective laws and customs, all of which were conveyed in response to the archbishop's series of questions.
The Anointing
Under a canopy, the sovereign will be seated in King Edward's Chair (also known as the Coronation Chair) and consecrated, blessed, and anointed by the archbishop.
During the anointing, consecrated oil will be administered using a silver-gilt spoon dating back to the 12th century, the oldest artifact among the Crown Jewels.
According to Archbishop Welby, this will be the only part of the ceremony not open to the public.
The Coronation Chair dates back to 1300. Beneath it lies the "Stone of Destiny," an ancient symbol of Scotland's monarchy that was seized by King Edward I.
The Investiture
After receiving the sovereign's orb and sceptres, which represent their spiritual and temporal powers, the monarch has the St Edward's Crown placed on their head.
The Enthronement
He will then proceed to the throne for the enthronement ceremony.
The Homage
During the homage, the archbishop, royal princes, and senior members of the House of Lords kneel and pledge allegiance. Camilla will then undergo a separate but similar and simpler coronation ceremony.
The Coronation Procession
After the ceremony, the king and queen will travel back to Buckingham Palace in the Gold State Coach, which weighs four tonnes and is drawn by eight Windsor Greys at walking pace. This is known as the "Coronation Procession", and will be accompanied by other members of the royal family and approximately 4,000 British and Commonwealth troops in full regalia.
Once they arrive at the palace, the king and queen will appear on the balcony to greet the crowd and watch a Royal Air Force fly-past.
Family
Prince William and Prince Harry, the two sons of Charles and Princess Diana, will attend the ceremony, but Harry will be attending alone, without his wife Meghan or their children.
Charles's brother, Prince Andrew, is not expected to have a formal role to play either.
However, William's son, nine-year-old Prince George, who is second in line to the throne, will serve as one of the king's four pages.
Camilla's pages will include three of her grandchildren, Gus, Louis, and Freddy, as well as her great-nephew, Arthur.
Long Weekend
Following the coronation on Saturday, May 6, the UK will celebrate with "The Big Coronation Lunch," where neighbourhood street parties will take place on Sunday, May 7.
Later that evening, Windsor Castle will host a Coronation Concert for approximately 10,000 people, featuring renowned artists such as Katy Perry, Lionel Richie, Take That, and Andrea Bocelli.
On Monday, May 8, a public holiday has been declared, and the royal family has encouraged Britons to engage in volunteer work in their communities.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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