Cricket's Asia Cup has been moved from India to the United Arab Emirates over Pakistan's refusal to cross the border, as relations simmer between the arch rivals, the Asian Cricket Council said Tuesday (10).
The biennial event was due to be held in India in September, sparking protests from the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) who called for the event to be relocated.
"This year's Asia Cup is moved out of India to UAE and will be held from September 13-28," said Sultan Rana, the Asian Cricket Council (ACC) development and event manager.
India has suspended bilateral cricket ties with Pakistan since the 2008 attacks in Mumbai, which New Delhi blamed on militants based across the border.
However India has continued to square off with Pakistan in international events like the 2016 Asia Cup in Bangladesh, the World Twenty20 at home and the 2017 Champions Trophy in England.
The Asia Cup has been marred by strained Indo-Pak relations since its inception when the UAE hosted it in 1984.
Two years later, India pulled out of the event in Sri Lanka, while Pakistan refused to send its team to India when it hosted the cup in 1991.
With Pakistan and India unable to host, Bangladesh held three straight Asian Cups from 2012 to 2016.
Rana said six Asian teams will compete in the 50-over Asia Cup.
"India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan are the five top teams while, there will be a qualifying round to select the sixth team," said Rana, a former Pakistan first class player.
Meanwhile, the ACC Emerging Asia Cup was also jeopardised earlier this month when India refused to send their team to Pakistan to compete.
"Emerging Cup will now be hosted jointly by Pakistan and Sri Lanka in December this year," said Rana.
India will play its Emerging Cup matches in Sri Lanka.
Telugu blockbusters like RRR and Pushpa are drawing UK crowds.
Bollywood flops have pushed audiences to look elsewhere.
British Asians connect with stronger, rooted Telugu heroes.
Pawan Kalyan’s They Call Him OG smashed overseas records.
More UK cinemas now screen Telugu films to meet demand.
The queue for a new Bollywood film was quiet. But around the corner, snaking down the street in a British city, a different queue was buzzing. It was not for a Hollywood blockbuster. The chatter was not in Hindi. It was in Telugu, English, and regional British Asian dialects, all waiting for a Pawan Kalyan film. This scene is becoming the new normal.
Formulaic Hindi films lose ground as Telugu cinema delivers spectacle and authenticity that resonate with UK desi audiences AI generated
When the default setting broke
For years, Bollywood was the default. It was the comforting, familiar voice of 'home' for millions in the diaspora. The formulas started to feel tired. We'd grown up watching those Bollywood stars, trusting them to deliver. But something broke, and suddenly, they couldn't get people through the door. When films like Laal Singh Chaddha and Bachchhan Paandey arrived, they just failed to connect. It felt like we were being shown a plastic-wrapped India, scrubbed clean for an international crowd we no longer recognised. That old thread that tied us to them? It snapped. And in the quiet that followed, you could hear something else roaring to life.
Formulaic Hindi films lose ground as Telugu cinema delivers spectacle and authenticity that resonate with UK desi audiences AI generated
The pan-Indian quake
The rise of Telugu cinema in the UK is not an accident. It started with movies that spoke the language of sheer scale fluently. Baahubali wasn't just a movie. It was a proper legend, the kind that felt ancient and massive. It proved, without a doubt, that a story spun in India could stand tall on any screen in the world. You could feel the rumble in your seat. Then you had RRR and Pushpa crash in. They took that energy, the spectacle, and turned it into something you could chant along to. They weren't apologising for what they were, and this was the undiluted escapism fans were starving for. This was what they called "maximum entertainment," and it was a gut punch of fun.
For British Asian audiences, many with roots in smaller towns and villages, this felt more authentic than Bollywood’s increasingly urban, Western-facing stories. It was a sensibility that translated perfectly, speaking a visual language of spectacle that needed no translation.
Telugu films, by contrast, doubled down on identifiable emotion and a kind of unapologetic heroism. Their protagonists are often loud, rooted, and purposeful; they fight, they sing, they love on camera without irony.
But the shift goes deeper than just spectacle. It is about the kind of hero you want to see on screen. For a long time, mainstream British Asian representation often came with a side of comedy. The culture was sometimes the punchline: the accented parents, the generational clashes played for laughs. It was a representation that could feel limiting.
There is also a practical reason: a bigger, better diasporic infrastructure. Telugu speakers are numerous in the UK and beyond; distributors and cinemas have responded. Once theatres start screening Telugu films regularly, community momentum builds.
If there is a risk, it is twofold: Tollywood must be careful not to trade complexity for bravado, and Bollywood must decide whether to listen. For British Asians, cinema is a resource, a way to rehearse belonging.
He is almost a phenomenon in Telugu cinema. His influence doesn't end there. He's the Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, a leader who talks about Hindu culture with a fighter's intensity. When you combine that with a fanbase whose loyalty feels less like admiration and more like a fundamental belief, you get a force that's hard to ignore. The release of They Call Him OG proved it. Tickets for the world's second-largest IMAX screen, all the way in Melbourne, vanished in two flat minutes. Across international markets, the film was running circles around Bollywood's biggest offerings.
So, you sit back and look at all that, and the question just forms itself: Why does this resonate so powerfully?
For a younger British Asian generation navigating dual identities, Kalyan represents an unapologetic cultural confidence. He is not diluted. He is not a stereotype. He is power and agency wrapped in a star’s persona. He offers an "oppositional gaze," a direct challenge to the narratives where their identity was the source of conflict, not strength, and choosing him is maybe a way of reclaiming a narrative.
Pawan Kalyan’s OG breaks overseas records with sold-out shows days before release Instagram/ogmovieofficial
The end of passive viewing?
This is not just about swapping one industry for another. It is a sign of a community maturing, of knowing what it wants to see reflected in the stories it consumes. They are no longer passive recipients of whatever cinema is handed down to them. They are active choosers. They are voting with their tickets for stories that feel epic, heroes that feel powerful, and a cultural voice that does not ask for permission to be loud, proud, and entirely itself.
By clicking the 'Subscribe’, you agree to receive our newsletter, marketing communications and industry
partners/sponsors sharing promotional product information via email and print communication from Garavi Gujarat
Publications Ltd and subsidiaries. You have the right to withdraw your consent at any time by clicking the
unsubscribe link in our emails. We will use your email address to personalize our communications and send you
relevant offers. Your data will be stored up to 30 days after unsubscribing.
Contact us at data@amg.biz to see how we manage and store your data.
Activision has announced that players will need TPM 2.0 and Secure Boot
Black Ops 7 beta requires TPM 2.0 and Secure Boot on PC to enforce strict anti-cheat measures.
Activision encourages cheaters to test the beta, using the opportunity to strengthen its RICOCHET Anti-Cheat system.
Any account banned for cheating in the beta will face permanent bans across all Call of Duty titles.
Stricter PC requirements for fair play
Activision has announced that players will need TPM 2.0 and Secure Boot enabled on their PCs to participate in the Call of Duty: Black Ops 7 beta and at launch. Similar to Battlefield 6, these security features prevent modified hardware and unauthorised software from compromising the game.
The beta opens on 2 October for early access players and 5 October for open beta participants. Activision recommends enabling TPM 2.0 and Secure Boot in advance to ensure readiness.
Anti-cheat measures and RICOCHET upgrades
The RICOCHET Anti-Cheat system has been upgraded for Black Ops 7, combining hardware-level verification with advanced detection of cheats, including aimbots and wall hacks. Activision explained that these new measures include remote verification via Microsoft Azure servers, providing stronger validation than local PC checks.
“Cheaters will try to test the limits during the Beta. That’s exactly what we want because #TeamRICOCHET is here, watching, learning, and removing them as they appear,” Activision said.
Any account banned during the beta will be permanently barred across all Call of Duty games, from Modern Warfare to future releases.
Challenges for PC players
Enabling Secure Boot can be technically demanding for some players, as it involves accessing the BIOS, converting Windows drives to GPT format, and updating firmware. To assist, Activision has released guides for the top 10 motherboard manufacturers to simplify the process.
Despite these hurdles, the company emphasised that TPM 2.0 and Secure Boot are non-negotiable foundations of its layered anti-cheat system, designed to maintain a fair and secure gaming environment for all players.
Call of Duty has long struggled with cheating, particularly in Warzone. Activision has spent years combating cheaters, including legal action against cheat developers. The Black Ops 7 beta provides a controlled environment to observe and block cheaters before the full launch, ensuring the integrity of competitive play.
“This creates a tougher environment for cheats to operate in and ensures that the protections these features detect cannot be bypassed or spoofed,” Activision said, highlighting the system’s most advanced anti-cheat protections to date.
Keep ReadingShow less
Employees of Indian IT services exporter LTIMindtree work inside its office in Bengaluru, India, September 24, 2025. (Photo credit: Reuters)
US PRESIDENT Donald Trump’s decision to sharply increase H-1B visa application costs is expected to accelerate American companies’ move to shift more high-value work to India. Economists and industry experts say this will further boost the growth of global capability centres (GCCs), which manage operations ranging from finance to research and development.
India hosts about 1,700 GCCs, more than half of the global total. These centres, which began with a focus on tech support, have expanded into innovation-driven work, including car dashboard design and drug discovery.
Analysts say growing use of artificial intelligence and tightening visa rules are leading US companies to reassess labour strategies, with India-based GCCs emerging as key hubs combining global expertise with local leadership.
“GCCs are uniquely positioned for this moment. They serve as a ready in-house engine,” said Rohan Lobo, partner and GCC industry leader at Deloitte India. He said he was aware of several US firms currently reassessing workforce plans. “Plans are already underway,” he added, citing increased activity in financial services and technology, especially among firms connected to US federal contracts.
Lobo said he expected GCCs to “take on more strategic, innovation-led mandates” going forward.
Earlier this month, Trump raised the cost of new H-1B visa applications to $100,000, up from the earlier range of $2,000 to $5,000. The increase adds pressure on US companies that rely on skilled foreign workers to fill critical roles.
On Monday, US senators reintroduced a bill seeking tighter rules on H-1B and L-1 visa programmes, aimed at closing what they described as loopholes and misuse by major employers.
Industry experts say that if visa restrictions remain in place, US firms are likely to shift advanced work in artificial intelligence, product development, cybersecurity and analytics to their GCCs in India, while retaining more strategic functions in-house rather than outsourcing.
Lalit Ahuja, founder and CEO of ANSR, which has helped companies such as FedEx, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Target and Lowe’s set up GCCs, said, “There is a sense of urgency.”
Reassessing India strategies
Ramkumar Ramamoorthy, former managing director of Cognizant India, said the trend could even lead to “extreme offshoring” in some cases. He pointed out that the Covid-19 pandemic had already shown that critical technology work could be done remotely.
US government data shows that Amazon, Microsoft, Apple, Alphabet (Google’s parent), JPMorgan Chase and Walmart were among the biggest sponsors of H-1B visas. All of them have significant operations in India but declined to comment, given the political sensitivity of the issue.
“Either more roles will move to India, or corporations will near-shore them to Mexico or Colombia. Canada could also take advantage,” said the India head of a retail GCC.
Even before the latest visa fee hike and plans for a new selection process favouring higher-paid roles, India was projected to host the GCCs of more than 2,200 companies by 2030, with the market size nearing $100 billion. “This whole ‘gold rush’ will only get accelerated,” Ahuja said.
Implications for India
Some remain cautious, noting the risks of new legislation. If the proposed HIRE Act is passed, US companies could face a 25 per cent tax on outsourcing work overseas, a move that could disrupt India’s services exports.
“For now, we are observing and studying, and being ready for outcomes,” said the India head of a US drugmaker’s GCC.
Trade tensions between the two countries have extended into services, with visa curbs and the HIRE Act proposal threatening India’s cost advantage and cross-border service flows.
India’s $283 billion IT industry, which contributes nearly 8 per cent of GDP, may come under pressure. However, rising demand for GCC services could offset part of the impact.
“Lost revenues from H-1B visa reliant businesses could be somewhat supplanted by higher services exports through GCCs, as US-based firms look to bypass immigration restrictions to outsource talent,” Nomura analysts said in a research note last week.
MONISHA RAJESH, who has achieved distinction as a travel writer, tells Eastern Eye that a good way – possibly the ideal way – to discover India is by train.
She was given a session at the FT Weekend Festival to talk about her new book, Moonlight Express: Around the World by Night Train, which focuses mainly on travel across Europe in sleeper trains.
She took her two young daughters – they were seated in the front row in the FT audience – on a double-decker sleeper called the Santa Klaus Express on a 12-hour journey in Finland from Helsinki to Rovaniemi.
But Moonlight Express also has a chapter, “The Shalimar Express”, on India, the subject of her first book, Around India in 80 Trains, which came out in 2012, followed by Around the Worldin 80 Trains (2019) and Epic Train Journeys (2021).
In Moonlight Express, she writes: “In 2010 I lost my heart to Indian Railways and being back on these clanking, dusty rails felt like a homecoming.”
On board during her travels
She decided to find out.
At the FT Weekend Festival, she appeared alongside fellow travel writer Andrew Martin. Her session, The new age of the train: why are holidays by rail this year’s hottest ticket?, was moderated by the FT’s political editor, George Parker, who asked: “Monisha, are we seeing a rail renaissance at the moment? And indeed, are train holidays the hot ticket?”
She replied: “I personally feel railway travel is having a renaissance. From everyone I have spoken to on board, a lot of it has been pushed by the climate crisis. People want to give up flying but are also embracing the slowness of travel and engaging a bit more with the places you’re moving through and the people you’re meeting. Trains are definitely having a renaissance in terms of sleepers even though a lot of the rolling stock (in Europe) is dilapidated.”
Since it takes an extra engine to operate a dining car, some companies dispense with it. But people tend to gather in a dining car if there is one.
Asked about the books she took on train journeys, Monisha said: “I really enjoy fiction about the places I‘m travelling through, just to have that point of reflection along the way. It’s a cliché but I love coming back to (Agatha Christie’s) Murder on the Orient Express.”
The cover of an earlier book
Monisha was born in Norfolk of medic parents who came to Britain from Madras (now Chennai) and grew up in Yorkshire.
She tells Eastern Eye that when she was nine, her parents moved back to India but abandoned the experiment after two years and returned to the UK.
For her debut book, Around India in 80 Trains, Monisha – “I am not a fan of flying generally” – spent January to May in 2010 travelling across the country. Her itinerary was drawn up in London and she also “bought a 90-day rail pass, which I still have, for $540 (£397)”.
She travelled in a number of luxury sleepers, among them the Indian Maharaja- Deccan Odyssey (from Mumbai to Delhi); the Deccan Queen (from Mumbai to Pune); and the Golden Chariot (from Mysore to Vasco da Gama) which she liked best of all.
The latter journey was seven days and took her to places like Hampi, Badami and Nagaraahole which were all new to her. Monisha’s 80 Indian train journeys, crisscrossing the country, included: Nagercoil to Kanyakumari; Okha-Puri Express from Dwarka to Ahmedabad; Jaisalmer Express from Jodhpur to Jaisalmer; Himalayan Queen toy train from Shimla to Kalka; Chennai Rajdhani Express from Delhi to Chennai; Kolkata Mail from Mumbai to Katni; Darjeeling Mail from New Jalpaiguri to Kolkata; and Konarak Express from Bhubaneshwar to Hyderabad.
Anyone from Britain who has travelled by train in India will know fellow passengers are not exactly shy about asking personal questions: “Of, you are from England? Have you dated an English girl? (if a man). What salary are you drawing? Are you married? (if a woman) No? Why aren’t you married? You should be.”
Monisha, who records many of the conversations that she has had, remembers: “There were quite a lot of Indian families, who had brought their children, on the luxury trains. I like that because passengers in luxury trains in the Golden Triangle (in Rajasthan) tend to be western tourists for the most part. It wasn’t like that in the south.”
In 2023, she went back to do a piece marking the 170th anniversary of Indian Railways for the National Geographic Traveller. She took the Mondovi Express from Mumbai to Goa, and came back to Rajasthan for a journey from Jaipur to Jodhpur. She was introduced to Ghanshyam Gowalini, who is better known as “Omelette Man” because he “cracked open more than one thousand eggs a day”. She moved on to Jaisalmer from where she caught the Shalimar Express sleeper to Delhi.
On another journey in India
The trip was India revisited: “I wanted to see what I felt about the trains again, how things have changed and evolved, whether the charm and character I found the first time were still there.”
She wasn’t disappointed: “It was a real refresher.” She encourages her readers and her own friends to undertake a train adventure in India. “They’re quite pleasantly surprised because a lot of people who have never been to India before feel a bit nervous about negotiating it by themselves.”
Some English folk in their sixties took her book and told her later it was a “nice little guide”.
Monisha says: “Once you hop on board, you’re surrounded by people who give you very good advice about where to stay, what to eat, what not to eat, where to go, things that you don’t find in guidebooks. You get that instant interaction with people in India who are always very helpful, very friendly. They love the fact that people are travelling around and want to know a bit more about their country.”
n Moonlight Express: Around the World by Night Train by Monisha Rajesh is published by Bloomsbury at £22.
Keep ReadingShow less
British prime minister Keir Starmer delivers his keynote speech at Britain's Labour Party's annual conference in Liverpool, Britain, on September 30, 2025
Prime minister Sir Keir Starmer’s declaration that the next election is “a battle for the soul of the country, exemplifies how Reform leader Nigel Farage’s new frontrunner status made him the main target of his political opponents during this year’s party conference.
"Don't let Trump’s America become Farage's Britain" was LibDem leader Ed Davey’s theme in Bournemouth. That was a confident, liberal message with an appeal to most people in this country. Davey’s literal Trump card is that he is the most prominent politician being willing to openly criticise a US president who three-quarters of the British public disapprove of. It passes the ‘tik-tok test' of being communicable in three seconds to those paying little attention to politics.
Starmer has to work with the leader that the US public chose to elect. So, he tried to make a similar argument, but in more abstract language: contrasting ‘patriotic renewal’ with ‘the politics of grievance’ - and ‘decency’ versus ‘division’. The general public may find that harder to decode than his party audience in Liverpool.
Trump once boasted that his supporters would let him get away with murder on Fifth Avenue. Farage’s opponents fear that the normal rules of scrutiny might never apply to him, either. Yet Farage made unforced errors under pressure - partly because he does not appear to recognise any risk in his close association with Trump. Being unwilling to criticise the US president’s unfounded claims about paracetamol being a cause of autism panders to a narrow conspiracist fringe that could be a red flag to the more mainstream voters who Farage needs to persuade and reassure. The 14 per cent of votes he got last time were from four million people who have often voted for Farage’s parties in the past decade. Making a serious bid for power - trying to turn 14 per cent into 30 per cent - involves targeting another four million voters, who have mostly chosen not to do so before.
Yet, there are few voices for reassurance or moderation in Reform’s internal debate to counter online and ideological pressure to radicalise. Former academic turned populist advocate Matthew Goodwin says the key is that Reform must be more like Trump’s second term than his first. That amounts to a call for the authoritarian rejection of democratic norms.
The radicalisers are winning the war for Farage’s ear. After Farage’s call for mass deportations of those here without legal status was criticised as ‘weak sauce’ by Elon Musk, the Reform leader expanded the threat to up to two million people. He proposed to abolish indefinite leave to remain entirely - including reneging on commitments made to those told Britain was their permanent home.
Downing Street’s initial flat-footed response was to call the Farage plan ““unrealistic, unworkable and unfunded” before the prime minister was persuaded that he needed to make a moral argument.
“It is one thing to say ‘we’re going to remove illegal migrants’, people who have no right to be here. I’m up for that. It is a completely different thing to say we are going to reach in to people who are lawfully here and start removing them. They are our neighbours. It would tear our country apart”, he told the BBC’s Laura Kuennsberg last Sunday (28).
Starmer made headlines by calling the Farage plan ‘racist’ too. That was an unplanned response to the journalist’s question. As Reform appears to be now exempting four million European nationals with settled status from its plan, while threatening up to half a million people - often Commonwealth nationals from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nigeria - in a similar ethical position, the impact is discriminatory, whatever Reform’s unexplained motive for this differential treatment.
Yet Starmer’s strongly worded argument as to why those here legally should not be threatened with deportation seemed to be contradicted by his own home secretary’s keynote speech on Monday (29).
Shabana Mahmood told the Labour conference she would be a tough home secretary - but a tough Labour home secretary. On small boats and asylum hotels, the government must respond to public pressure for change - with an orderly, workable and humane asylum system. Mahmood sees this as crucial to challenging the rise of racism.
Unlike its asylum challenge, the government’s proposals on settlement do not respond to any public appetite for change. The government wants a 10-year baseline for settlement - though most people - including seven out of ten Labour voters - believe that five years is a fair timeline, as our recent British Future report shows.
The home secretary put her speech’s headline message that ‘migrants must contribute to earn their right to stay’ into block capitals on social media before government sources scrambled to clarify that this would not actually apply to those who have arrived in the past five years. The government is yet to begin its policy consultation - but what that dividing line between decency and division should mean in practice will be a crucial and contested question this autumn.
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.