THE murder of Sarah Everard has “reinforced the fear” of travelling and going outside alone, women have said, as they detailed the measures they take to feel safe.
The body of Everard, 33, was found last week in a woodland area of Kent. The marketing executive was last seen as she walked towards her home in south London on March 3. Metropolitan Police officer Wayne Couzens, 48, was charged with her kidnap and murder last Friday (12).
The case has triggered a nationwide call for action as women across the country shared their experiences of harassment, abuse and violence at the hands of men. Commentators included journalists Ash Sarkar and Ayesha Hazarika, with the latter revealing she wears trainers at night in case she needs to flee from an attacker.
Speaking to Eastern Eye, Jabeen Mallik*, 18, said the case had reminded her of how cruel people can be and the “scary possibility” that she could fall victim to a similar crime.
“Reading about this case on the news has genuinely reinforced the fear I already feel about going out and travelling alone,” Mallik, from London, said. “It just reminds me of how things like this are actually possible. The anxiety already existed, but this has heightened it to another level. It also saddens me to think people could be so vile and hurt an innocent person.”
Liyana Farooqi*, 28, said the case has affected her trust in others– especially given that the suspect is a police officer. “It’s made me feel that I cannot trust anyone – even those who are supposed to protect us,” the substitute teacher told Eastern Eye. “(The case) has made me feel more uncomfortable with male presence and not doing things alone or walking alone at night.”
However, Bina Hatwal*, 27, admitted she was not particularly shocked by the Everard case. She recalled numerous high-profile cases in the past when women and girls have been kidnapped and killed, including Grace Millane – a British backpacker who was murdered in New Zealand by a 26-year-old man in 2018.
Sarah Everard vanished as she walked home in London on March 3
“I know it is bad to say, but there have been a number of instances in the past when women and girls have been attacked or abducted,” she told Eastern Eye. “You become a bit immune and desensitised to it.”
All three women admitted feeling obliged to take several precautions while outside in order to feel safe at night. Mallik said she always keeps her keys between her fingers in case of an attack and her thumb over the power button on her mobile, so she can press it repeatedly for emergency help. She hides her jewellery too, especially in places where there is no CCTV.
“During winter, I put up my hood to hide my hijab, in order to make me less likely to be a victim of an attack,” she added.
Farooqi revealed she always tells a friend where she is going and who with, if it is late at night. “Especially if I’m going out on a date,” she admitted.
Hatwal said she has even tried to hide her physical features while out at night. “I try not to look vulnerable,” she said. She admitted feeling uncomfortable during the winter when it becomes dark earlier in the day.
“There have been times when I’ve met my friends around 6pm when it gets dark, and I’ve felt frightened,” she said. “One time, I was meeting my friend and I felt really scared coming out the station and going to meet her.”
Following Everard’s death, it was announced on Tuesday (16) that new safety measures would be put in place in England and Wales. This would include an additional £25 million for better lighting and CCTV, and a new pilot scheme would see plain-clothes officers in pubs and clubs.
Protesters have called for greater public safety for women after the death of Sarah Everard
Meanwhile, a recent survey by UN Women UK found 97 per cent of young women in Britain have been sexually harassed.
Hatwal said there have been times when she has been made to feel uncomfortable with unwanted attention in bars and nightclubs. Mallik said she is regularly cat-called while walking to her local shop by “strange men”. “You can tell they are trying to unsettle you,” she said. “Once a man shouted at me while I was on my way to Asda. He shouted ‘oi’. It’s a small incident, but it’s enough to frighten you, especially being a girl and one of colour wearing a hijab.”
Hatwal said the government and authorities have not done enough to stop violence against women. “There have been so many occasions when the prime minister has said ‘our thoughts and prayers go out to…’ It is the same rhetoric all the time,” Hatwal said. “But it is all words and no action.”
The student added that there needed to be education programmes for men and women from an early age. “When I was at school, I felt we didn’t get taught these things at all,” she said. “I don’t think parents actively talk to boys and tell them, ‘don’t do this to girls, don’t do that’. The lack of education is quite concerning.”
Meanwhile, Labour MP Jess Phillips read out in the Commons the names of all 118 women murdered by men in the UK last year. “The message that needs to be sent is male violence is something that has to be tackled and challenged and the justice system and society has to wake up to that,” said Phillips.
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Home secretary Priti Patel said, “Every woman should feel safe to walk on our streets without fear of harassment or violence.”
Addressing MPs in the Commons, she added, “Too many of us have walked home from school or work alone, only to hear footsteps uncomfortably close behind us. Too many of us have clutched our keys in our fists in case we needed to defend ourselves, and that is not ok.”
The government has received 78,000 new responses to its appeal for evidence on violence against women, which was reopened last Friday (12) in light of the reaction to the Everard case. “That is completely unprecedented and considerably more than the 18,000 responses received over the 10-week period when the survey was previously opened,” said Patel. She added the responses would help shape a new strategy on tackling violence against women that she would present later this year.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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