VICTORIOUS mayor Ben Houchen said there was still “a long way to go” on Teesside in the wake of a landslide win.
The Conservative claimed almost three-quarters of the votes cast across the Tees Valley in holding onto the mayoralty following polls on May 6.
Houchen said he would “continue to fight our corner” in Government as part of his victory speech – but stressed there was still a lot of work to be done in the next three years.
He added: “I’m not going to stand here and I’m certainly not going to pat myself on the back.
“We’ll reflect on it for the next couple of days but actually we need to get back to work – we’ve made a fantastic start and I’m confident the things we’ve put in place will reap benefits.”
The Conservative mayor pointed to the freeport but repeated there was still a long way to go to ensure jobs and investment came.
He believed the role of government needed to be acknowledged – and said the prime minister Boris Johnson had given him a lot of personal support.
But Houchen said the area “wanted more” – and more government departments in the region.
“I’ve never shied away from concentrating on big things and the reason I do is because this area has been neglected for decades,” he added.
The mayor added both Labour and Conservatives governments had neglected the area but he wanted to make sure “that was no more”.
But he believed his victory was the “start of something special”.
Houchen added he was humbled and overwhelmed by the scale of the support he’d received but it came with “huge responsibility”.
He said: “There is now an increased pressure I feel internal to be able to fulfil and give back to the people what they want to achieve – and that’s the stuff we’ve already done to bring jobs and investment back to our region.”
His speech was marked by references to the freeport, Teesside Airport and jobs.
The Conservative mayor said he’d be “back at work tomorrow morning” – adding he’d been “a bit discombobulated” by the election as he “wanted to get back to getting on with the job”.
Tangible benefits in improvements at Middlesbrough Station and General Electric coming to Teesworks in Redcar were projects Houchen listed.
He added: “Come October, that’s when the GE factory starts to get built and that’s hundreds of construction jobs.
“By February 2023, we’re going to have 2,000 jobs in the local area and 750 direct from the GE factory.
“What I want to do, which it’s been such a frustration, I want to get on and speak to those other investors who have been knocking on the door about coming to the freeport.
“That’s why it’s so important I stood for a second term as we’ve just started a huge amount of good work – and now we’ve got those building blocks in place, the next phase is when we see all the jobs.
“We’ve started to see some of that already but we should start to see some of that in the next few years.”
Health troubles
Labour’s Jessie Joe Jacobs pointed to the poverty and mental health problems blighting parts of Teesside in her results speech.
The Tees Valley Combined Authority (TVCA) doesn’t have control over health and social care yet – but Houchen has called for more powers in the past and wanted a “conversation” on the subject with Government chiefs.
“I do think we should have more control over health,” added Houchen.
“If the Government devolved the funding to the combined authority and the mayor, rather than the CCG (Clinical Commissioning Group), which I think is largely unaccountable and people aren’t aware of it, then that’s a sensible thing.
“You allow clinicians to get on and deliver the services at our local hospitals but actually you;’ve got political accountability as to where health services should be funded.
“What’s unique about our area is different from elsewhere. If you look at the North-east as a whole, we’ve got a higher percentage of people aged over 70 and that comes with unique health requirements.
“For a lot of people furthest away from the job market, there are often a lot of health barriers to get back into employment.
“There is a marriage between investment in jobs and improving the health outcomes and lives of people as well.”
Job delivery
The covid pandemic has resulted in thousands of jobs being lost across the Tees Valley.
Houchen said they’d “fight to get them back” – pointing to statistics from the Bank of England and the £16m put into business through grant funding.
He added he wanted to “supercharge” the schemes.
The Tories had a good 24 hours on Teesside with Steve Turner winning the Cleveland Police and Crime Commissioner race and five Stockton by-elections all going to the party.
Asked whether the Conservatives were now the political establishment on Teesside, Houchen said they had a “responsibility to deliver”.
He added: “There is huge competitiveness now.
“Are Redcar and Hartlepool safe seats? absolutely not – and Labour will come back hard at the next election.
“The onus and responsibility is on us to justify to people why they vote for us.
“I actually think more competition in a place like Teesside actually means that Labour can’t rest on their laurels any more and they’ve got to up their game.
“What we have to do is prove why people should continue to vote for us.
“That competition is local politics we haven’t had on Teesside in a long time will actually lead to better outcomes for the public.”
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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