Why turning climate change promises into practical policies will be challenging
FINANCE DAY at COP is always the point when the rhetoric of the leaders’ speeches hits the ground with a thump.
During two days of high-level sessions, a succession of presidents and prime ministers were keen to explain to us how they “got it”. They too had grandchildren, they too felt the intrinsic beauty and value of nature. They were up to the challenge – defusing the ticking climate bomb as our prime minster put it, trying to channel an improbable inner James Bond.
Only one of the leaders’ opening speeches actually tackled the key issue: Money. Barbadian prime minister, Mia Mottley, with enough energy to power a small island state all on her own, demanded to know how the global north could think nothing of engaging in $9 trillion (£6.64tr) of quantitative easing in the last 18 months as a response to the pandemic, but had failed to achieve just 1.1 per cent of that sum – the $100 billion (£73.73bn) promised to developing nations to combat climate change.
So would Finance Day match up to the challenge? It began promisingly enough with UN climate envoy Mark Carney on Radio 4 explaining how they had reached an agreement for financial institutions to “rewire the global financial system for net zero”.
In practice, the UK chancellor, Rishi Sunak, told COP26 that $130tr (£85.86tr) of assets would be realigned to the 1.5°C Paris target. That is the equivalent of 40 per cent of global assets. As Carney said, “We have all the money required for the transition. Our job is to find the plumbing to make it work.”
Barry Gardiner, Labour MP for Brent North.
Now, the key thing with plumbing is to identify the leaks and unfortunately, the presenter on Radio 4 was quick to do precisely that, asking Carney whether these financial institutions could no longer finance a coal mine. The splashing could be heard all down the Clyde as Carney hastily rowed back. “Well, it would depend on the circumstances” was his less than reassuring response.
The problem is alignment to 1.5°C has to mean something. There has to be some criteria for future investments. And those criteria have to be about stopping investments in, and subsidies to, fossil fuels. So, what are the implications for the UK and how did the UK chancellor’s budget match up last month?
Two things stand out – the reduction on air passenger duty for domestic flights was the equivalent of cocking a snook to Glasgow. In practice, because domestic flights are subject to an emissions cap, the overall carbon in the atmosphere will not actually increase, but by making it easier for people to fly and airlines to be profitable, he was betraying such an astonishing lack of awareness of the problem and what one can only call contempt for the reality of the crisis that it appeared a deliberate provocation to all those about to meet in Glasgow.
More troubling was the insistence that the tax super-deductions of 130 per cent he had previously announced were the route to greater productivity.
Those super-deductions have no criteria that says you don’t get them if you are engaged in polluting activity. They have no fossil-fuel filter.
In practice, that means the billions of pounds it will take to develop the Cambo oil field off the Shetland Islands will not be paid for by Siccar Point Energy who discovered it and who hold a 70 per cent stake, or by Shell, who own the other 30 per cent. It will be paid for by you and me.
We, the taxpayers, will not only pay for it, we will also pay these two corporations a further 30 per cent subsidy to thank them for producing 170 million barrels of crude oil all the way to 2050, when the UK is supposed to be net zero.
That is the equivalent of running 18 coal-fired power stations for an entire year. Some leak in the plumbing!
Barry Gardiner is a former shadow secretary of state for energy and climate change
THE recent debate about flying the national flag has become fierce.
The responsibility for the polarisation of the flag debate lies wholly with left wing councils, like Birmingham, which set a damaging precedent by orchestrating the removal of the Union Flag and St George’s Crosses from public places.
Councils have garnered national attention for their apparent rejection of British symbolism. However, they have failed to adopt the same approach for other flags which have been flying for months and were not subject to the same crackdown. In a bizarre sign of the times even Downing Street had to confirm the prime minister’s patriotism!
The Union Flag and the St George’s Cross are reminders of Britain’s history and honour those who came before us. They represent all who devoted their lives to protecting the nation and the principles it upholds. People of every ethnicity and faith have fought for the ideals that define modern Britain – democracy, liberty and the rule of law.
As a British Muslim MP, I was deeply proud to lead a debate in parliament marking the 80th anniversaries of VE Day and VJ Day. The end of the Second World War saw Britain and its allies unite to defeat fascism and tyranny. We must never forget these sacrifices, including those of the brave men and women from the Commonwealth who served alongside British troops.
My wife’s grandfather, Lance Corporal Samundar Khan, was among them. He received the Indian Distinguished Service Medal as part of the 7th Battalion of the 16th Punjab Regiment, fighting under the British flag with fellow Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Jews, Buddhists and many others.
More than 10 per cent of British armed forces personnel come from minority groups, and we should not forget the Gurkha regiment of Nepal, renowned worldwide for bravery and dedication. They too serve under our flag – a banner that represents democracy, courage, diversity and tolerance. It does not belong to a political party, any religion or ethnicity. That is what makes it important: the Union Flag and St George’s Cross belong to us all. As a British Muslim of Pakistani heritage, I feel deep pride when I see our flags flying above schools, hospitals and parliament. My religion and background are central to who I am – and so is my nationality. Pride in Britain does not mean denying my heritage, just as pride in my heritage does not deny my Britishness.
We must stop treating these parts of our identity as partisan divides and instead see them as complementary elements of who we are. Modern Britain should be a place where we are proud of both our heritage and our nationality – not forced to choose one over the other.
As a British Muslim, I have often been targeted by political populists seeking to construct ‘us vs them’ narratives. To fellow British Muslims, I say: do not let hate force you to conceal your identity. You are cornerstones of modern society — serving in the NHS, leading in politics and educating our children. Your contribution should be celebrated, and that celebration can begin with pride in our flag, which has symbolised British Asian representation for over a century.
Our parents and grandparents came to Britain with little more than determination and dreams. Through grit and perseverance, they helped shape the modern nation we know today — under the same Union Flag and St George’s Cross that still fly above us. For too long, however, others have dictated what those flags stand for.
Extremists on the far right have tried to twist the Union Flag and the St George’s Cross into emblems of exclusion. But these banners should remain symbols of unity, representing equality, freedom and the many communities and events that have shaped this nation. Whether at sporting arenas, military parades or civic celebrations, the flag must stand for pride and togetherness – never division. We are proud, we are British, we are English, we are one nation.
Saqib Bhatti is a British Conservative Party politician and the MP for Meriden and Solihull East.
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Mind the COP26 finance day gap