AN INFLUENTIAL Asian peer has criticised the re-launch of the Conservative Friends of Kashmir (CFK), saying it could cause “immense damage” to Indo-UK ties as he described the MPs responsible for the group as “selfish”.
Conservative peer Lord Rami Ranger’s comments come as seven Tory MPs representing constituencies with a substantial Pakistani population revived the CFK on September 19. James Daly MP (Bury North) and Paul Bristow MP (Peterborough) are listed as co-chairs of the group. In recent days, it has also drawn the support of MPs Christian Wakeford (Bury South); Robbie Moore (Keighley) and Marco Longhi (Dudley
North).
Lord Ranger and Bob Blackman MP are among several vocal critics of the group, with the former warning that interfering with “the internal matter of India is fraught with danger”.
“(They are) insulting the largest democracy of 1.3 billion people, claiming that they do not know how to run their country, or they are abusing human rights,” Lord Ranger told Eastern Eye on Monday (19). “In both the (world) wars, over a million Indian soldiers came to defend the King and the empire. This is not the way to repay their debt by stabbing them in the back.”
Asked if he believed the group could hurt the ties between the Conservative party and UK voters, Lord Ranger admitted it could cause “immense damage”.
Blackman, the Tory MP for Harrow East – which has a substantial Asian population – said he too had concerns about the CFK. He cautioned that its creation could cause tensions between the Conservative Friends of India and the Conservative Friends of Pakistan, two existing organisations designed to strengthen links between the UK and the Asian neighbours.
“(They) have co-existed without any significant conflict thus far,” Blackman told Eastern Eye. “It is government and party policy that any territorial or border disputes between India and Pakistan are a strictly bilateral matter.”
Blackman confirmed he had written to the Conservative party co-chairs – Benjamin Elliot and Amanda Milling – urging them to reject any recognition by the party of the CFK.
Kashmir is claimed by both India and Pakistan. In August last year, the Indian government, led by prime minister Narendra Modi, revoked Kashmir’s special status under Article 370, a decision that led to protests by some diaspora groups in the UK. One such demonstration that took place in front of the Indian High Commission in London on August 15, India’s Independence Day, turned violent.
Lord Ranger believes politicians supporting the group have their own agendas. “(The MPs) have more Kashmiris in their constituency than Indians,” he said. “They are appeasing the Kashmiris for their own selfish gain and [causing] damage to other colleagues. They don’t care.”
Earlier this month, unconfirmed reports claimed that more than 80 Indian organisations joined forces to issue a collective letter of protest to the party headquarters, prime minister Boris Johnson and home secretary Priti Patel.
A letter signed by the Friends of India Society International UK, among others, said the CFK and its objectives “seem nefarious and is seen as directly meddling in the affairs of the Indian sovereign territory”. The signatories urged the party co-chairs to “immediately disband” the unit.
Eastern Eye contacted Paul Bristow, CFK co-chair and Tory MP for Peterborough, about the matter, but received no response. Steve Baker MP, a member of the group, told Eastern Eye that he did not wish to comment.
A Conservative party spokesman told Eastern Eye on Monday that CFK was not an official or affiliated Tory group. On its Facebook page, the CFK said it sought not to be “officially affiliated” to the Conservative party. “Like many others in the Conservative family, we want to be able to compliment and criticise policy. But most of all, we want to show the party is open to the UK Kashmiri diaspora,” it added.
During the UK general election in December 2019, some British Indian groups urged Asians to vote Conservative after Labour was slammed for their stand on Kashmir. The party passed a resolution during their annual conference a few months prior, which was seen as being critical of India. Former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn faced criticism in the UK and India over that motion, which said there was a “major humanitarian crisis taking place in Kashmir”. Corbyn’s successor, Sir Keir Starmer, has since distanced himself from the stance, saying any issues were to be resolved by India and Pakistan.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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