JASWANT SINGH, who died on September 27, aged 82, was a founder of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and served variously as India’s finance, external affairs and defence minister.
But most obituaries recalled he was expelled from the BJP for writing a book that was sympathetic to Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
The character of Jinnah has always fascinated me. As a young barrister who had trained in London, Jinnah was hailed by Gopal Krishna Gokhale, the political and social reformer, as “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity”.
Yet, Jinnah was the one whose demand for a homeland for Muslims led to the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan.
When Jaswant came to London in January 2010 to promote his controversial book, Jinnah: India-Partition-Independence, I went to interview him. His eagle eyes immediately spotted my guilty secret.
“That’s a pirated edition,” he said.
Indeed, I had picked it up for `300 (about £3) from a pavement seller in Park Street in Kolkata just outside the Oxford Bookstore where it was priced at `1,395 (£14.72).
I then attended the press conference he gave in a committee room in the House of Commons, where there were as many eager Pakistani journalists as there were Indian.
The former called him “an ambassador of peace”, a compliment Jaswant acknowledged with modesty: “I am a soldier in the campaign for expanding the constituency of peace.”
Jaswant was even-handed for he observed: “We were wrong to treat Jinnah as a demon in India, just as I think Pakistan is wrong to treat Gandhi as a demon.”
He summed up nearly 700 pages on Jinnah in one sound bite: “He was a very straight man. At times he was exasperating in his determination and his fixed points. His transition from being an ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity to the Quaid-e-Azam of Pakistan is an account of barely 1917 to 1947 – (in) 30 years this transition took place.
“He remains an ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity until he realises he can now no longer achieve what he has to achieve if he continues to pursue the policy of Hindu- Muslim unity. So he changes.
“Is that a good or a bad thing for a politician? Why did he change? He created Pakistan, not the Pakistan of his dreams, what he himself called a ‘moth-eaten Pakistan’, as a compromise. He wanted a place for the Muslims of undivided India so that they could be arbiters of their own social, economic and political destiny. He wanted 30 per cent of the seats in the central legislature and was ready to come down to 20 per cent in the final days.
“I don’t think he really wanted a separate Pakistan because that is perhaps why he was never able to define Pakistan. The thesis that Muslims are a separate nation is not a sustainable thesis.”
India is now big enough – and strong enough – to tolerate and, indeed, welcome views that contradict conventional wisdom.
US president Donald Trump gestures next to Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Ben Gurion International Airport as Trump leaves Israel en route to Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, to attend a world leaders' summit on ending the Gaza war, amid a US-brokered prisoner-hostage swap and ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, in Lod, Israel, October 13, 2025.
‘They make a desert and call it peace’, wrote the Roman historian Tacitus. That was an early exercise, back in AD 96, of trying to walk in somebody else’s shoes. The historian was himself the son-in-law of the Roman Governor of Britain, yet he here imagined the rousing speech of a Caledonian chieftain to give voice to the opposition to that imperial conquest.
Nearly two thousand years later, US president Donald Trump this week headed to Sharm-El-Sheikh in the desert, to join the Egyptian, Turkish and Qatari mediators of the Gaza ceasefire. Twenty more world leaders, including prime minister Sir Keir Starmer and president Emmanuel Macron of France turned up too to witness this ceremonial declaration of peace in Gaza.
This ceasefire brings relief after two years of devastating pain. Tens of thousands of civilians have been killed. More of the Israeli hostages taken by Hamas are returning dead than alive. Eighty-five per cent of Gaza is rubble. Each of the twenty steps of the proposed peace plan may prove rocky. The state of Palestine has more recognition - in principle - than ever before across the international community, but it may be a long road to that taking practical form. Israel continues to oppose a Palestinian state.
The ceasefire will be welcomed in Britain for humanitarian relief and rekindling hopes of a path to a political settlement. It offers an opportunity to take stock on the fissures of the last two years on community relations here in Britain too. That was the theme of a powerful cross-faith conversation last week, convened by the Board of Deputies of British Jews, to reciprocate the expressions of solidarity received from Muslims, Christians and others after the Manchester synagogue attacks, and challenge the arson attack on a Sussex mosque.
Jewish and Muslim civic voices had convened an ‘optimistic alliance’ to keep conversations going when there seemed ever less to be optimistic about. The emerging news from Gaza was seen as a hopeful basis to deepen conversation in Britain about how tackling the causes of both antisemitism and anti-Muslim prejudice could form part of a shared commitment to cohesion.
This conflict has not seen a Brexit-style polarisation down the middle of British society. Most people’s first instinct was to avoid choosing a side in this conflict. The murderous Hamas attack on Jews on October 7, 2023 and the excesses of the Israeli assault on Gaza piled tragedy upon tragedy. The instinct to not take sides can be an expression of mutual empathy, but is not always so noble. It can reflect confusion and exhaustion with this seemingly intractable conflict. A tendency to look away and change the subject can frustrate those whose family heritage, faith solidarity or commitments to Zionism and Palestine as political ideas make them feel more closely connected.
Others have felt this conflict thrust upon them in an unwelcome way - including British Jews fed up with the antisemitic idea that they can be held responsible at school, university or work for what the government of Israel is doing. Protesters for Palestine perceive double standards in arguments about free speech - as do those with contrasting views. The proper boundaries between legitimate political protest and prejudice are sharply contested.
Hamit Coksun is an asylum seeker who speaks somewhat broken English. He would seem an unusual ally for Robert Jenrick. Yet the shadow justice secretary went to court to offer solidarity, after Coskun had burned a Qu’ran outside the Turkish Embassy, while shouting “F__ Islam” and “Islam is the religion of terrorism”. He had been fined £250, but the appeal court overturned his conviction. The judgment was context-specific: this specific incendiary protest took place outside an embassy, not a place of worship, in an empty street, and did not direct the comments at anybody in particular.
The law does not protect faiths from criticism, and indeed offers some protection for intolerant and prejudiced political speech too, though the police can place conditions on protest to protect people from abuse, intimidation or harassment on the basis of their faith.
So it can be legal to performatively burn books - holy or otherwise - though this verdict makes clear it does not offer a green light to do so in every context.
But how far should we celebrate those who choose to burn books? Cosun advocates banning the Qu’ran, making him a flawed champion of free speech. Jenrick is legitimately concerned to show that there are no laws against blasphemy in Britain, but could anybody imagine that he would turn up in person to show solidarity to a man burning the Bible, Bhagvad Gita or Torah, shouting profanities to declaring religion of war or genocide? The court’s defence of the right to shock, offend and provoke is correct in law. Those are hardly the only conversations that a shared society needs.
Sunder Katwalawww.easterneye.biz
Sunder Katwala is the director of thinktank British Future and the author of the book How to Be a Patriot: The must-read book on British national identity and immigration.
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