Platinum Jubilee celebrations come to a close: What happens next for the monarchy?
Royal biographer Robert Lacey, the historical consultant to Netflix’s hugely popular TV drama “The Crown”, said the queen was laying the ground for what comes next.
While millions watched the Platinum Jubilee festivities to thank Queen Elizabeth and reflect on her 70 years on the British throne, for the monarchy itself, the four-day celebrations have also very much been about looking to the future.
From parades in London and a party outside Buckingham Palace to a Service of Thanksgiving, many in Britain have been paying affectionate tributes to a 96-year-old who has reigned longer than any of her predecessors in 1,000 years.
But the queen's absence at many of the Jubilee events because of health issues meant the celebration of her reign provided a focus on the next monarchs, her son Prince Charles and his son William.
Royal biographer Robert Lacey, the historical consultant to Netflix's hugely popular TV drama "The Crown", said the queen was laying the ground for what comes next.
"The Jubilee had a double-edged significance," he told Reuters. "Yes, it celebrated the queen and what will one day be the past, but it's also provided a platform for the new formula and pattern for the future."
The queen missed out on most of the big Jubilee events due to what the palace calls "episodic mobility problems", which have forced her to cancel public appearances recently and have highlighted her advancing years.
In her absence, son and heir Charles,73, and his son William, the second in line, have been to the fore.
In a notable finale on Sunday, the queen appeared on the balcony of Buckingham Palace flanked by the three next monarchs - Charles, William, and his eldest child Prince George.
Journalist Tina Brown, a longtime observer of the British royalty, also said Elizabeth had been focused on succession.
"Her feelings and her sentiments right now are all about estate planning for the monarchy," she told BBC TV. "Her only care right now is that things should be put in a good order for Charles and that everything can be done to make his reign easier."
Brown and Lacey said that was why the queen used the actual 70th anniversary of her accession to the throne in February to announce she wanted Charles's second wife Camilla to be queen consort, removing any future controversy over her role.
FLUCTUATING FORTUNES During Elizabeth's long tenure, the fortunes of the monarchy have often fluctuated, such as from a low that followed the 1997 death of Princess Diana, Charles's captivating first wife, to the highs of the wedding of grandson William and his spouse Kate, and the birth of their children.
The last three years have been particularly tough on the institution.
First, the queen's second son Prince Andrew was forced to quit public duties over his friendship with the late, disgraced U.S. financier Jeffrey Epstein, and he later settled a lawsuit with a woman who accused him of sexually abusing her when she was 17.
He denied the allegation and has not been accused of criminal wrongdoing, but his reputation was shattered.
Meanwhile, William's younger brother Harry and his American wife Meghan moved to Los Angeles from where they have delivered stinging attacks on Buckingham Palace, most notably an accusation of racism in an interview with Oprah Winfrey.
"We're very much not a racist family," William said.
While both events stained the reputation of "The Firm", as Britain's royal family calls itself, opinion polls in Britain suggest the lasting damage has mainly been to Andrew and Harry themselves.
PROPORTION Lacey said the Jubilee had reminded many people of the positives a monarchy brought, adding: "Charles and Camilla are associated with that in a way you would not have thought possible a few years ago."
But for all the celebrations this week and plans for the future, there remain some dark clouds on the horizon.
Polls show the queen is hugely popular and older Britons are overwhelming in favour of the monarchy, but they also indicate young people are far more indifferent and support has slipped over the last decade.
While Harry and Meghan have kept a low profile during the Jubilee, the prince is writing a memoir due to be released later this year that could contain more explosive details.
Barbados removed Elizabeth as its head of state last November and there is a growing feeling that republican sentiments will grow in the 14 other countries that have the British monarch as their queen.
The new centre-left Labor party in Australia, which voted against ditching the monarchy in 1999, has named the country's first "assistant minister for the republic".
"I don’t know that it will ever be the same when she’s not here any more, that’s how we feel about it (in New Zealand)," said Patricia Burrowes, 80, who travelled from Auckland for the Jubilee celebrations.
Some at the festivities felt the monarchy would remain integral to Britain even as the queen's role might be drawing to an end.
"It's easy to be critical of it and say it isn't for these times," said Ian Higgins, 62, a mental health nurse. "But I think having something that brings people together that isn't political but unites people is so important for this country, and the rest of the world loves it as well."
As to whether there would be a similar outpouring for Charles when he becomes king, the feeling was mixed.
"We'll have to wait and see," said Amanda Mackenzie, 51, a yoga teacher from London. "We'll have to wait and see."
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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