India is witnessing a brutal second wave of Covid-19. On May 6, Thursday, the country recorded 412,262 new infections and 3,980 deaths in the past 24 hours, according to the health ministry.
The country’s health system is stretched, with reports of acute shortage of hospital beds, oxygen, and drugs.
Help is pouring in from all over the world, especially from Indians living abroad. Many US-based organizations are also raising funds to help. Here is a list of 10 US-based groups where you can donate to help India fight Covid-19:
1. American Association of Physicians of Indian Origin (AAPI):
Based in Chicago, this professional association for Indian American physicians is actively raising funds that will be used to purchase oxygen concentrators to be sent to India. They have already raised more than $2 million from members and in partnership with other charitable organizations.
AAPI is sending oxygen equipment including concentrators, ventilators, nasal cannula, BiPAP and CPAP machines. The organization is also reaching out to help their Indian counterparts with their knowledge and expertise gained over the past year.
Based in California, this aid group has partnered with the New York-based celebrity chef Vikas Khanna to raise money to buy oxygen concentrators, PPE kits and other supplies. Chef Khanna was in the news last year for his relief work for underprivileged Indian suffering during lockdown.
Vikas Khanna has teamed-up with Vibha (AFP / NARINDER NANU)
Primarily a volunteer-led semi-virtual organization, Vibha is raising money to help families in India with food, medicine kits, gloves and masks. The group has disbursed $500,000 for Covid relief and has procured 650 oxygen concentrators.
Houston-based Indian-American non-profit body organization, Sewa International, works in the areas of disaster recovery, education, and development. The group has
launched a ‘Help India Defeat COVID-19’ campaign to ship oxygen concentrators to Indian hospitals.
Sewa International says it has raised $5,784,807, as of April 29, as a part of its $10 million goal. The funds are being used to procure and provide medical equipment and essential supplies to hospitals, institutions, and individuals in India.
Some 2,584 oxygen-concentrators have already been shipped to the country. Click here to donate.
4. American India Foundation:
Bill Gates (Photo by Mike Cohen/Getty Images for The New York Times)
Co-founded by Bill Gates, American India Foundation is one of the largest non-profit American organizations working in India. The group has received $20 million in India Covid relief commitments in just over a week from corporations including Bank of America, BlackRock, Bristol Myers Squibb, and Oracle.
The foundation is using the money to purchase oxygen concentrators as well as fully equipped hospital beds. Click here to donate.
5. The Desai Foundation:
The Desai Foundation has been helping open isolation centres with bed and food to affected families. The group is also providing supplies, including oxygen concentrators, ventilators, masks and PPE kits to the states of Gujarat and parts of Maharashtra.
The group has also created a “help desk” to assist affected families. It aims to raise $250k for the relief fund in the next two weeks. Click here to donate.
6. Islamic Medical Association of North America (IMANA):
One of the largest medical groups in the world, IMANA has procured critical non-invasive supplies to be dispatched to India to meet the acute shortage of oxygen in hospitals.
Akrama Hashmi, managing director of IMANA, said they have already laid the groundwork to airlift these critical supplies to India and are working directly with the respective government agencies overseeing the response.
The organization has also launched a special ‘Help India Breath’ fundraising campaign. Click here to donate.
7. Project Hope:
This Maryland-based global health non-profit provides medical training, health education and humanitarian assistance around the world. Working with Indian local partner, MY-HEART, Project Hope is facilitating the rapid procurement of PPE, oxygen and ICU equipment, ventilators, and other critical items to support India’s overwhelmed health care system.
Project Hope also aims to train health care workers and promote public health awareness and vaccination campaigns in the country. Click here to donate.
8. Association for India’s Development:
Association For India’ Development is a grassroots organization that promotes sustainable development. It is currently working in donating PPE, surgical masks and face shields as well as oxygen supplies to hospitals in India.
The group is accepting donations to provide food and protective equipment to its 30 partner organizations across the country. The group is also reportedly sending funds to a local partner to set up a call center to run a Covid-19 helpline accessible across India.
Patients in India are desperately short of oxygen (Photo by PRAKASH SINGH/AFP via Getty Images)
9. GlobalGiving :
This US-based non-profit organization provides a global crowdfunding platform for grassroots charitable projects. As a part of its Covid-19 relief, it is sending aid to families in lockdown apart from providing mental and emotional resources for front-line workers.
It is accepting donations for various relief efforts including vaccine accessibility, sending medical aid to hard-hit areas and shipping items to vulnerable families in lockdown. Click here to donate.
10. Americare:
Americares is helping Indian health facilities manage the increased caseload of Covid-19 patients by providing essential equipment and supplies, including ventilators, oxygen concentrators, pulse oximeters, thermometers and other critical items.
To date, Americares has provided 4,600 pieces of medical equipment to health facilities throughout India and is donating more than 600 oxygen concentrators to public hospitals across multiple states. Click here to donate.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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