CALLS for a British boycott of Indian products following anger over Kashmir must not spill over into hate speech online and spark further tension between communities, MPs and shopkeepers have warned.
Images of Indian flags being burned have been posted on Twitter since prime minister Narenda Modi’s government withdrew Kashmir’s autonomy in August, sending in thousands of extra troops and making mass arrests.
There have been tweets calling for people to stop buying groceries such as rice, spices and chillies from Indian companies.
Some stores in the UK run by Pakistani businessmen are no longer selling food products from India, as they protest over the decision to revoke the special status of the Himalayan region.
The move has been backed by some, but other shop owners have warned a boycott will drive them out of business, adding that holding protests and giving donations to Kashmiris are better options.
There have been similar longrunning campaigns to boycott products from Israel over claims
of rights abuses.
One in four people in Pakistan’s Kashmir region live in poverty and do not have access to clean drinking water or food, according to the Islamic Relief charity.
Labour MP Shabana Mahmood told Eastern Eye: “I have spoken out repeatedly against the unacceptable, dangerous and discriminatory actions of the government of India in Kashmir. I will continue to campaign alongside fellow politicians and constituents for a reversal
of their divisive policies and for a stop to the human rights abuses that are occurring in Kashmir.
“But such campaigning must not spill over into hate speech, and attacks on ordinary people and workers because of the actions of their government are unacceptable and counter-productive. We must all guard against such behaviour, online and in our communities.”
There have been protests in London, Birmingham and Bradford in recent weeks after the Indian government’s actions in Kashmir. Two people were arrested on suspicion of criminal damage earlier this month after India’s High Commission in central London was vandalised.
Protesters last month clashed with police and supporters of India in front of India House, while four people were arrested following a demonstration on August 15, India’s Independence Day.
Usman Younas, who has run Watan Superstore in Bradford, West Yorkshire, since 1974, said a boycott would harm Pakistani store owners. He told Eastern Eye: “I understand where people are coming from and why they feel passionately about it. It has been an issue for 40-50 years.
“But 70 per cent of our goods are Indian – groceries, biscuits, drinks, hardware, spices, lentils, pulps, rice, ghee. If we were to start boycotting or our customers stop buying them, that would have an impact on suppliers.
“I don’t think it is maintainable in the long term. We could try and substitute some Indian goods, but it is a long shot – the Indian market is very strong while the Pakistani one is up and coming. It would be financially catastrophic, business-wise it is not realistic.”
Younas added: “In two months the situation will settle down, people will come back for those product lines and we won’t have it. We stock Indian lines because it’s what the customers want.
“There are other ways to protest – give your opinion online on social media, make a positive impact like charity work as they are in need of aid.
“All our suppliers are Hindus and Sikhs. We work well with them, [and] they have nothing to do with what is happening back home.”
Shahzad, who works in a supermarket in Bradford which has stopped selling some Indian items, said: “We used to buy Heera atta and chillies from India, but we stopped for the past few weeks.
“It is because of Kashmir. They are killing innocent people there.
“The products come from Kenya now, chillies and vegetables from Italy. The customers have not said anything.”
Labour MP Khalid Mahmood, who was born in Kashmir, said his focus is the “human rights and civil liberties of the Kashmiri people”.
He added: “If individuals want to put pressure through economic means, that is their prerogative. They want the Indian government to listen. This shutdown and blackout cannot continue, it is wrong and dangerous for the people of Kashmir.
“Morally people feel this [boycott] is a way of getting the Indian government’s attention. It needs to be resolved as quickly as possible.”
Foreign secretary Dominic Raab said earlier this month that any allegations of human rights violations in Kashmir since India revoked Article 370 of the constitution must be “thoroughly, promptly and transparently” investigated.
He told MPs: “In relation to detentions, potential mistreatment and also the communications blackouts, I raised those issues with the Indian foreign minister.
“The Indian government has made clear that they are only temporaneous, as strictly required.
And of course, we would want to hold them to that undertaking.
“Any allegations of human rights violations are deeply concerning. They must be investigated thoroughly, promptly and transparently.”
Some MPs have supported the Indian government’s move, with the Conservative politician Bob
Blackman saying that Article 370 discriminated against women and minorities.
India maintains that Kashmir must be resolved bilaterally between itself and Pakistan.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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