The US and Britain unveiled a fresh strategic pact on Thursday (08), reaffirming their commitment to the "special relationship" in order to counter the challenges posed by Russia, China, and economic instability.
During a summit held at the White House, US President Joe Biden and British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak presented a unified stance regarding Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the rapid advancements in artificial intelligence.
However, Sunak's aspirations for a post-Brexit free-trade agreement with Washington did not materialise, as the British Prime Minister agreed to align with Biden's vision of establishing a new green economy through extensive industrial subsidies.
The leaders have adopted an "Atlantic Declaration" with the objective of enhancing industry connections in defense and renewable energy sectors, as a response to the increasing competition posed by authoritarian states.
"Countries like China and Russia are willing to manipulate and exploit or steal our intellectual property, use technology for authoritarian ends, or withdraw crucial resources like energy," Sunak told a news conference alongside Biden.
"They will not succeed," he added.
As part of the declaration, both parties have agreed to initiate discussions regarding the US' handling of critical minerals utilised in electric batteries, specifically in the context of Britain.
Biden has also committed to seeking congressional designation of Britain as a domestic source for defense procurement. This designation aims to expedite the advancement of cutting-edge weapons, including hypersonic missiles.
- 'Never been stronger' -
Despite the lack of a trade deal, Sunak said "the economic relationship has never been stronger," describing the "special relationship" as in fact the "indispensable alliance."
For Sunak, his inaugural White House summit held significance in not only reestablishing personal connections but also overcoming the impact of multiple prime minister changes in Britain last year.
Additionally, given Biden's strong ties to his Irish heritage, he openly expressed his dissatisfaction with Boris Johnson's management of Northern Ireland.
Biden acknowledged that, for the US, no other country held comparable importance to Britain, a sentiment that was unlikely to have been expressed during the post-Brexit disagreements experienced under Johnson's leadership.
Both leaders reached a consensus on the notion that the global economy is undergoing its most significant transformation since the Industrial Revolution.
They recognised that artificial intelligence (AI) is a driving force behind these changes, which has prompted concerns about the potential existential threat posed by sentient machines.
To mitigate these risks, coordinated action by governments is deemed necessary.
Biden expressed support for Sunak's proposal to bring together "like-minded" nations for the world's inaugural AI summit, scheduled to take place in Britain later this year.
In addition, Sunak aims to establish an AI regulatory body in the UK.
"The potential of AI is staggering," the president said, saying it had "the potential to do great damage if it's not controlled."
"We are looking to Great Britain to help lead a way through this. There is no country we have greater faith in to help negotiate our way through this," Biden added.
However, Sunak's aspirations face challenges as the US and the European Union are already involved in their own discussions regarding an AI code of conduct. Industry experts have been advocating for regulations in the field.
- NATO leadership -
Biden and Sunak made a joint commitment to continue leading international efforts in support of Ukraine, following their pledge to provide billions of dollars in military assistance to aid Kyiv in its fight against Russian invaders.
Biden said that they discussed their "unwavering support for the people of Ukraine who are defending themselves against most brutal aggression we have seen in a long time."
"I want to thank the prime minister for his strong, strong leadership," he said, also voicing confidence that the United States, despite hesitation from some of his Republican rivals, will provide "funding necessary to support Ukraine as long as it takes."
During their meeting, Sunak and Biden engaged in a discussion regarding the leadership of NATO, as the alliance prepares for an upcoming summit in Vilnius next month.
Among the contenders for the position, British Defense Secretary Ben Wallace was a topic of consideration.
"They have a candidate who's a very qualified individual," Biden said of Wallace's candidacy, responding "maybe" when asked if it was time for another British secretary-general of NATO.
The incumbent Secretary-General, Jens Stoltenberg, who has earned commendation from allies for his leadership during the conflict, is set to depart from his position in October.
Stoltenberg had previously extended his tenure, delaying his appointment as the central bank chief in Norway.
But Biden emphasised the necessity for consensus within NATO regarding the selection of the next Secretary-General.
Contenders for the role include the prime ministers of Denmark and Estonia, who are both regarded as potential candidates.
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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