Steroids can increase risk of mental health issues by ‘changing shape of brain’ - Study
Prescribed steroids have been linked to an increased risk of depression and tiredness, including other health concerns.
By Kimberly RodriguesAug 31, 2022
Glucocorticoid drugs are synthetic versions of glucocorticoids, which are steroids that occur naturally in the body. According to WebMD, glucocorticoid is a kind of steroid, and the type you need depends on the specific health condition you have.
Synthetic glucocorticoids can be more potent than naturally occurring steroids and these drugs are effective in stopping harmful inflammation caused by many immune system disorders in the body.
Media reports inform that millions of Britons are prescribed steroids to treat a wide range of conditions such as arthritis, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), eczema, and asthma.
However, a study has discovered that glucocorticoids (one type of drug which is often used to treat autoimmune and inflammatory skin diseases) may physically change the shape and structure of the brain as well as potentially increase the risk of mental health issues, The Telegraph reports.
Though previously, the prolonged use of systemic glucocorticoids had been linked to potential side effects in the long term, there has been little research to prove such a connection exists.
The study has now discovered that prescribed steroids have been linked to an increased risk of depression and tiredness, including other health concerns.
Steroids are also supposedly prescribed to dampen the immune system in people with autoimmune disorders - a malfunction of the immune system, whereby it mistakenly attacks healthy body tissues, cells, and organs.
For the study, scientists from Leiden University in the Netherlands looked at how systemic (infusion or tablet) and inhaled glucocorticoids affected people over time.
Nearly 800 patients, most in their 60s (part of the UK Biobank study) were enrolled in the research. The researchers were reportedly equipped with MRI images of the participants’ brains as well as their extensive medical records.
The brains of the 800 patients were then compared to more than 24,000 other people (of similar health, age, and demographic) to check for any differences in grey and white matter in their brains.
It was found that both, the use of systemic and inhaled glucocorticoids was associated with physically different white and grey matter in the brains.
However, systemic administration (infusion or tablet) of the drugs reportedly showed a stronger association.
The study, which is published in the journal BMJ Open, states that systemic use of glucocorticoids was associated with larger grey matter volume in the caudate structure in the brain - the caudate nucleus functions in learning, planning, memory, reward, motivation, emotion, etc.
But on the other hand, the users who inhaled glucocorticoids were found to have smaller amygdala grey matter volume. Studies have demonstrated that smaller grey matter volumes in the amygdala are associated with a wide range of negative emotions such as depression.
The researchers said they are unable to say whether steroids cause brain changes due to the design of the study, however, they do say it is likely in light of the new data and previous reports.
Writing in their paper, the authors have reportedly said, “This study shows that in the large population-based cohort of the UK Biobank, the use of not only systemic glucocorticoids but also inhaled glucocorticoids is associated with changes in several brain imaging parameters.”
They add, “Analyses among people using chronic glucocorticoids suggested a potential dose-dependent or duration-dependent effect of glucocorticoids on white matter microstructure, with smallest effect sizes in inhaled glucocorticoid users, larger effect sizes in systemic glucocorticoid users, and the largest effect sizes in chronic systemic glucocorticoid users.”
Data from the study shows that those people on systemic steroids (infusion or tablet) are 76 per cent more likely to have depressive symptoms. They are also 90 per cent more likely to suffer from lethargy.
It was also found that those on systemic steroids are 84 per cent more at risk of reporting struggling with disinterest and 78 per cent more likely to be restless.
But people on inhaled steroids were found to be 35 per cent more likely to be tired or lethargic with no higher risk for other conditions.
However, the researchers were reportedly unable to differentiate between people (on tablets and infusions).
According to the authors of the study, these findings are “remarkable” considering the widespread use of prescribed steroids. Thus, they believe there is a need for more awareness of the association between the treatments and the potential neuropsychiatric side effects.
Speaking about the side effects of the steroids on the patients’ brains they reportedly said, “In this study, glucocorticoid users reported a higher frequency of several mental health complaints, while their cognitive performance was not significantly different.”
They add, “To the best of our knowledge, this is the largest study to date assessing the association between glucocorticoid use and brain structure, and the first to investigate these associations in inhaled glucocorticoid users.”
TENSIONS with Pakistan, fluctuating ties with Bangladesh, and growing Chinese influence in Nepal and Sri Lanka have complicated India’s neighbourhood policy, a top foreign policy and security expert has said.
C Raja Mohan, distinguished professor at the Motwani Jodeja Institute for American Studies at OP Jindal Global University, has a new book out, called India and the Rebalancing of Asia.
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
Narendra Modi with Xi Jinping and (right)Vladimir Putin at last month’s SCO summit in China
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
He also described how India’s engagement with the US, Japan, Australia and Europe has moved from symbolism to one of substance. Raja Mohan said, “After independence, India withdrew from regional security politics, focusing on global issues and non-alignment. But the past decade has seen a reversal. India is now back in the Asian balance of power. The very concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ reflects that, putting the ‘Indo’ into the ‘Pacific.’”
The idea, he explained, has deep historical roots: “The British once viewed the Indian and Pacific Oceans as interconnected realms. Now, after decades of separation, those spaces are merging again.”
While India once aspired to build a “post-Western order” alongside China, those dreams have long since faded, according to the expert.
“Contradictions between India and China have sharpened,” he said, citing territorial disputes, a $100 billion (£75bn) trade deficit, and China’s growing influence among India’s neighbours.
By contrast, India’s ties with the US and Europe have strengthened.
“Where once India shunned security cooperation with Washington, it is now deeply engaged,” he said. Yet he emphasised that India remains an independent actor, “not a traditional ally like Japan or Australia.”
His comments were made during the Adelphi series, hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) last month. According to the expert, who is also a visiting research professor at the National University of Singapore, the return of India to regional security politics marks a significant change in its foreign policy since independence. Popular discussions about the “rise of Asia” tend to oversimplify what Raja Mohan explained was a deeply uneven transformation. “It’s more accurate to say Asia as a whole is rising,” he said, adding, “but not evenly. China has risen much faster than the rest.”
This imbalance has created internal contradictions within Asia, according to the academic. “China’s sense of entitlement to regional dominance and its territorial claims have provoked reactions from other Asian countries,” he said.
While China’s economic ascent, once “a marriage of Western capital and Chinese labour”, that relationship has strained over the past 15 years as the Asian country grew into a global military and economic powerhouse, according to Raja Mohan.
And the US, which previously nurtured China’s growth, now seeks to restore balance in Asia, shifting from a policy of engagement to one of cautious competition, he said.
Dwelling on India’s rise, he said, “The question is not whether India can match China alone, but whether it can help build coalitions that limit unilateralism. History shows weaker states can play crucial balancing roles, as China once did against the Soviet Union.”
He explored how the US-China and India-China dynamics might evolve, particularly under US president Donald Trump.
“Some believe the US is retrenching to focus on Asia, others think Trump might seek a grand bargain with China,” Raja Mohan said. “Much depends on how Washington manages its ties with Russia and its global posture.”
China, he noted, has already toned down its aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy, realising that assertiveness has backfired. Yet the underlying structural contradictions between China and both the US and India “are unlikely to disappear.”
Asked about India’s balancing act between the US and Russia, especially after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the expert was pragmatic.
“India has steadily moved closer to the US and the West, but Trump’s trade-first approach has caused turbulence,” Raja Mohan said.
He cited the threats of high tariffs on Indian imports and resentment over trade imbalances with Washington DC.
On Russia, Raja Mohan’s view was that the relationship has been “in slow decline since the 1990s.”
While India’s GDP now outpaces Russia’s, it continues to engage Moscow for practical reasons. “India’s oil purchases from Russia rose from two per cent to forty per cent after 2022. That’s pragmatism, not alignment,” Raja Mohan said.
He added that prime minister Narendra Modi’s recent handshakes with China’s president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) summit in China were “signals, reminders to the West that India has options.”
Raja Mohan said India was at the cusp of a historic transformation. “India once provided security across Asia - in both world wars, millions of Indian soldiers fought overseas. That history was forgotten when India withdrew from global security,” he said.
“Now we are reclaiming that role. Ideally, the partnership with the US is the best. But if not, India and other Asian powers will have to shoulder the burden themselves.”
“Japan, Korea, India, Australia - all will have to do more on their own,” he said. “We’ll need to pull up our own bootstraps.”
Dr Benjamin Rhode, senior fellow at IISS, chaired the session.
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