Anjaam: Behind the scenes of a Bollywood cult classic
The film, starring Shah Rukh Khan and Madhuri Dixit, revolves around an obsessive lover destroying the life of a married woman.
By Asjad NazirApr 12, 2024
SHAH RUKH KHAN took his first major steps towards global stardom by playing distinctly different villainous roles in quick succession in one year with Baazigar, Darr and Anjaam.
Although it was the least successful of the three, Anjaam, released on April 22, 1994, perhaps doesn’t get the credit it deserves. It had plenty to offer audiences, from an iconic dance number to a memorable avenging angel played by Madhuri.
The film revolves around an obsessive lover destroying the life of a married woman and her battling against the odds to fight back in a unique way. To mark the movie’s 30th anniversary this month, Eastern Eye put together some top Anjaam trivia.
Stills from the film .
■ The dark drama was originally titled Majnoon Ka Junoon before it was changed to Anjaam.
■ Bollywood’s number one actor at the time, Anil Kapoor, was the original choice to play the lead role, but he turned it down.
■ The two biggest movie stars of the 1990s were Madhuri Dixit and Shah Rukh Khan. Anjaam was the first time they worked together, before going on to star in successful films such as Dil To Pagal Hai and Devdas.
■ The original choice to play the female lead was the older actress Rekha, but things didn’t work out, and Madhuri stepped into the role.
■ The opening credits didn’t appear until 30 minutes into the movie.
■ It has been widely reported across the years that lyricist Sameer and music duo Anand Milind had composed the song Badi Mushkil Hai for the 1990 hit film Dil, but director Inder Kumar had rejected it. Four years later, they decided to use it for Anjaam. When asked about this, Anjaam director Rahul Rawail denied it and said the song was specifically created for his film
■ The song, Ye Kaali Kaali Aankhien, from Baazigar is sung multiple times by comedian Johnny Lever, who had also previously starred in the same film alongside Shah Rukh
■ British music legend Apache Indian’s song Chok There is played during a nightclub sequence in the movie.
■ A moment in the song Badi Mushkil Hai where Shah Rukh emerges out of the taxi trunk and climbs onto the roof of the moving car went viral on social media a few years ago.
■ Channe Ke Khet Mein became a big highlight in the movie and was copied by dancers around the world later, including the iconic spin
■ Madhuri revealed that another song was supposed to be used instead of Channe Ke Khet Mein, but she, along with dance choreographer Saroj Khan, didn’t find it fun enough and asked the director to change it. She had said: “We went up to him and said the song wasn’t good enough. He asked the music directors to work out something else. That’s how Channe Ke Khet Mein came about. We had liked the song then. But I didn’t know it would grow to be so popular. People perform it in reality shows even today.”
■ One YouTube video of Channe Ke Khet Mein has been viewed nearly 60 million times in the past three years. There are videos of film fans performing the same song on the video sharing site. The song would also be remixed and sampled in many pop albums.
■ The song Barson Ke Baad, where Madhuri performs for a wheelchair-bound Shah Rukh was shot in single take. Madhuri recalled: “Three-four cameras were placed in different angles. I had to remember, which camera was where in keeping with whether I had to give a profile or a long shot.
We rehearsed for it. Thankfully, it got okayed in one take. Shah Rukh, being on the wheelchair, had just to watch me.”
■ Much of the movie was shot in Mauritius.
■ In the original ending, only Shah Rukh’s evil character was supposed to die, but was changed to the heroine sacrificing her life because of the dark deeds she had been forced to commit.
■ Deepak Tijori said Anjaam was the only film he regretted doing and that he had got a raw deal, with his character having very little to do. Tijori was omitted from all the publicity material of the movie, with Madhuri and Shah Rukh dominating the posters. He said: “The script was not ready. The director (Rahul Rawail) started writing a script completely in favour of Madhuri Dixit."
■ Shah Rukh’s wife, Gauri Khan, was credited as one of the costume designers in the movie.
■ Shah Rukh won a best villain trophy at the Filmfare Awards after failing to win it the previous year for Darr.
■ Madhuri earned a Filmfare best actress nomination for Anjaam, but won instead for her performance in the record-breaking musical Hum Aapke Hain Kaun.
■ While Baazigar and Darr were in the top five highest grossing movies in 1993, Anjaam failed to enter the top 10 of 1994. But it did do higher business internationally than in India.
■ Most agree the unapologetically sociopathic character played by Shah Rukh in Anjaam is far more menacing than any he had played up until that point. It remains arguably the most negative character of his career.
■ In a later interview, Madhuri reflected that Anjaam didn’t work because of the excessive violence and had even asked for some portions of the film to be edited out.
■ Shah Rukh would later buy the rights for the movie and now his production house Red Chillies Entertainment owns it.
WHEN Rishi Sunak became an MP, he swore his oath on a copy of the Bhagvad Gita, but few people – including perhaps Britain’s first Asian prime minister – will have been aware of the efforts of a Shropshire-born civil servant in that little moment of history.
Charles Wilkins (1749-1836) was an employee of the East India Company and an avid Sanskrit lover. He arrived in India and went on to study the language under scholars in then Benares (now Varanasi, which India’s prime minister Narendra Modi represents) and produced what is believed to be the first English translation of the holy Hindu text.
It made the Gita accessible not only to the British, but also millions of Indians, including Mahatma Gandhi, and years later, Sunak.
This is just one of the anecdotes Manu Pillai uncovers in his new book, Gods, Guns and Missionaries: The Making of the Modern Hindu Identity, published earlier this year.
Pillai traces the transformation of the religion over the past four centuries – from the arrival of early Europeans in the Indian subcontinent to British rulers and the rise of Indian leaders during the freedom movement – and examines the impact of those influences.
Manu Pillai
“Most of us look at Hindu identity today through the prism of Hindu-Muslim relations, because in the present, that is what became,” Pillai told Eastern Eye. “But to me, it seemed like a lot of modern Hinduism was actually influenced by colonialism and Christianity.”
Not so much in the way that missionaries converted millions of people, Pillai explained, as they “never had physical success in terms of numbers”, but “they had a lot of intellectual success in terms of placing these moulds and frameworks of thinking, which we took in order to articulate a modern avatar for Hinduism. So, I thought that story deserved to be told.”
This is his fifth book, which Pillai began in 2019, following a dissertation on Hindu nationalism at King’s College London. At the outset, he clarified the book is not about his academic thesis, rather it examines the impact of the early Portuguese, the Italians and other Europeans, then the East India Company, the British and finally, Indian reformers and politicians prior to and after independence.
Pillai said, “Hinduism is not a Western-style religion. It’s a cultural framework in which there’s multiple diversities. Think of it like a draw cabinet; it is the overall frame that is Hinduism. But each door has its own individual identity, as well.”
And , the cover of his new book
Pillai charts the influence of hardline Portuguese missionaries whose influence is evident in Goa even today, while in the south, an Italian priest, Roberto de Nobili, adopted the local Hindu ways in order to spread the teachings of Christianity.
The book also shows how British colonial rulers were initially reluctant to the push from missionaries in the UK to proselytise communities in the subcontinent, before eventually changing their minds. Reformers such as Serfoji and Raja Ram Mohan Roy adopted a more modern approach, followed by Dayananda Saraswati, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Jotiba Phule and Veer Savarkar, whose interpretation of Hinduism came at a time of India’s freedom struggle.
This intertwining of religion and politics is not new, though, Pillai said. History has shown how rulers patronised places of worship and this continues in contemporary times, too.
The writer described how Jawaharlal Nehru (independent India’s first prime minister) and “the Nehruvian elites made a conscious effort to keep religion out, but bubbling just beneath that first level, (but) religion was always present in politics. Caste was always present in politics.”
Pillai said, “It was Nehru’s charisma and electoral success that allowed him to keep it at bay or in check. But it was never absent. By Indira Gandhi’s time, she started playing the religious card as needed, whenever she felt her party could benefit from it.”
He added, “The difference is religion has now come much more centrestage and openly acknowledged.”
Pillai also noted how economic clout and technology have both played a part in the recent assertion of religious identity, the most obvious is the patronage of places of worship, while carrying out rituals under the guidance of a priest over a video link is now the norm.
In the book, he writes about how the spread of the English language in the subcontinent meant exposure to new ideas, thus empowering Indians to not only challenge authority, but also learn about the world outside their country.
“The British employ Indians who can speak English. They pay those Indians. Those Indians are getting cash revenue. They are no longer dependent just on their farms (to earn their living). They use that to patronise their community. They build temples,” Pillai said.
“So, ironically, the wealth created by service in the British East India Company ends up in the flowering of Hinduism. The railways, which the British laid to move their troops around, also enables pilgrim traffic to temples. “All of these things come together – technology, politics and economics.”
More recently, Pillai said Hindu resurgence “isn’t purely due to political dynamics”. His view is that with rising disposable income, “you have time to think about identity, and now you have money to patronise things.”
He cites the example of Kerala, where he is from, explain how remittances from the Gulf countries led to a boom in old family temples being renovated. “There is something culturally coded in organising a big puja, or making donations to a temple is seen as an a c h i e v e m e n t , weighing yourself in grain and donating to a temple.
“So that kind of religious identity also boomed with economic boom. It’s not as an economic boom creates some rational paradise. On the contrary, an economic boom can actually result in a greater flowering of religiosity.
“Partly because of that, post liberalisation (of India in the 1990s), there’s been a new middle class that’s emerged, there’s also now disposable income. People have the wherewithal to now think beyond roti, kapda, makaan (food, clothes and shelter), and to think about who are we as a people? And the answer to that question lies in religion, culture, heritage.”
India and south Asia’s vast diversity dictate the way Hinduism is practised, across not just the subcontinent, but also across the world, where the diaspora communities are settled. Consequently, this shapes the evolution of Hindu identity.
Pillai said the next challenge for Hinduism will be maintaining that inner diversity, “because we live in times where there’s so much emphasis on that homogenised identity, on one reading of that label, of what it means to be a Hindu.
“It takes away from how much pluralism there is within the faith itself. The richness of Indian culture, in general, has been the fact that all religions that have entered India have become pluralized, even if it’s Islam.
“Islam in Kerala is not the same as Islam in Bhopal. When the north Indian Muslims under the Muslim League, as I mention in the book, went to Kashmir in the 1940s hoping to woo the Kashmiri Muslims, they were horrified. They thought that Kashmiris, with their saint worship, and all of that were not even proper Muslims. They said, ‘we’ll have to teach them Islam first, before making them Muslims, because they couldn’t recognise that version of Islam. “Everything in India is hybridised, and in many ways, that has been our strength, these hybrid identities have continued over so many generations. “What would be a major challenge is this tendency towards homogenising… towards feeling there has to be only one version of Hinduism and one interpretation of things.
“Even our epics have so many retellings. In Kerala there is an oral kind of Ramayana, in which Shurpanakha, when she propositions Rama and says, ‘I want to marry you’. And he says, ‘No, I’m already married. You go to Lakshmana.’ Shurpanakha turns around and says, ‘That’s okay; the Sharia says you can marry twice, more than one woman.
“So this is a Ramayana in which Shurpanakha quotes the Sharia, because it’s a Muslim Ramayana.
“That is the kind of country we come from. And I think losing that, where everything has become standardised, and that’s a global phenomenon, something we’re seeing around the world. That is a tragedy. That would be the bigger challenge.
“We need more people telling these stories about our inner plural, pluralism and diversity – which is not to devalue that framework. The framework has its own value. I’m not saying that Hinduism should somehow be only about its pluralism, but at the same time, it has to be a fine balance between maintaining that inner richness, maintaining all the threads in the tapestry without painting the whole tapestry one single shade.”
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