"Why won't you condemn Hamas?" Why your allies are silent and what to do about it
By Prof. Deepak MalhotraOct 19, 2023
(This article was initially published by Prof Malhotra as an independent article on LinkedIn. It is being published here with his permission)
Israelis. Palestinians. Jews. Muslims. Everyone is angry. Everyone is afraid. And everyone feels that their legitimate fears and grievances are being ignored – and that turning a blind eye to acts of injustice is not only immoral, but dangerous.
These sentiments are not new, but in the aftermath of the most horrific attack on Jews since the Holocaust, they have taken on an intensity and urgency that we have rarely, if ever, seen. That people would disagree and debate about all aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not a surprise. Nor does anyone think that someone who has a very strong opinion on the conflict is suddenly going to change their mind.
Prof Deepak Malhotra
What can be surprising, however, is when you feel that the people you most expected or needed to stand by your side on an issue that seems morally unambiguous, are suddenly hesitating to do so. For example, when a Jewish student asks classmates to denounce Hamas, and the conversation does not go at all as hoped or expected. This is much harder for people to accept. Not surprisingly, in both social media posts and emails, these words by Martin Luther King, Jr. are being constantly invoked this week:
In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.
I think it might be useful to understand one reason this happens, and what you might be able to do about it. This post, due to its timing and content, might seem most immediately relevant to my friends, students, and colleagues who are Jewish, for whom their disappointment with “allies” is verging on exasperation, and the pain of it is bleeding into outrage.
But this is, ultimately, a post about how all sides of this (or any) conflict, who feel that they are not being heard, understood, or supported, might be more effective. The tendency in such moments is to assume that your allies are cowards, or fence-sitting for political reasons, or just don’t care enough. Of course, all of these can be factors, but in my experience, it is usually something quite different that is most at play. Understanding what is going wrong in these conversations might help us become better at dialogue and building moral consensus.
So, let’s take the example of the most recent attack by Hamas. Why is it, that at a time when one might expect moral clarity and universal condemnation of the horrors that Hamas has perpetrated, people are instead stuck disagreeing, debating, and demonizing one another? Why is it that so many of our Jewish students, friends, and colleagues feel disappointed with how others in their social networks are responding – or refusing to respond – to the call for a clear statement condemning Hamas?
The father of a child from the al-Majaida family killed when an Israeli air strike hit their home carries its body during its funeral in Khan Yunis on the southern Gaza Strip, on October 19, 2023 (Photo by Mahmud HAMS / AFP) (Photo by MAHMUD HAMS/AFP via Getty Images)
Let’s start with what seems easy enough, at least for me: I, for one, can unequivocally say that I condemn, without reservation, the inhumane, wicked, and unjustifiable acts of Hamas. They cannot be excused.
Why then, when my Jewish friends, colleagues, or students say this, do others in the room not immediately and unanimously echo the same sentiment? Why do others sometimes hesitate, or argue, or suggest that the answer is more complicated? The thing to understand is that even when you ask a question as seemingly straightforward as “Isn’t what Hamas did completely unjustifiable?” it has the power to trigger three very separate conversations – and when that happens, you will probably start talking past each other. What are these three conversations?
Conversation #1 is the one you were trying to have in that moment, which is about whether what Hamas did is inhumane and unjustifiable.
Conversation #2 is about whether the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a complicated affair that requires a careful and honest acknowledgment of the role everyone, including Israel, has played in the past. You might agree that there is a place and time for such conversations, but it’s not the conversation you were trying to have in that moment.
Conversation #3 is about what the Israeli government should or should not do in response to the attacks. For example, isn't it essential that Israel respect international law and human rights when it retaliates? You might agree completely with this, but that is also not the conversation you were trying to have in that moment.
For the moment, you were just trying to have Conversation #1, and your hope was that at this time of maximal pain and fear, others would find it easy to agree that the targeted and barbaric murder of civilians by Hamas is categorically wrong and must be condemned. Yes, there are reasons to also have Conversation #2 or #3, but does it have to be at the precise moment when you’re simply asking someone to acknowledge that “killing babies is wrong” and to condemn such acts (whether perpetrated against Jews or anyone else)?
As someone who has devoted much of their life to Conversations #2 and #3 – which is to say, as someone who knows that only by understanding the roots of conflict (and honestly examining how each side has perpetrated injustice) is it possible to solve problems effectively and in accordance with our values – I understand the importance of these other discussions and debates.
However, I don’t think this means one cannot take a moment (or hopefully longer) to acknowledge Conversation #1 when someone brings it up. The point is not even that Conversation #1 must always be had before #2 or #3, just that it deserves some space and time.
I think most people are capable of, simultaneously, exhibiting moral clarity and having a nuanced understanding of a complex conflict. For example, I happen to believe that the attacks by Hamas are so inhumane that they cannot possibly be “justified”. I am equally sure that we should never shy away from “explaining” what happened and why – nor allow ourselves to be bullied into adopting a one-sided (e.g., only pro-Israeli) perspective on the history of this or any other conflict.
Family and friends of siblings Noa and Gideon Chiel, who were killed in the Nova party by Palestinians militants mourn during their funeral on October 18, 2023 in Achuzat Barak, Israel (Photo by Amir Levy/Getty Images)
I happen to also believe that Israel has a right to defend itself and its citizens, but that does not mean I will excuse or condone retaliatory acts that ignore human rights and international law – which is something that might already be happening; nor will I be bullied into an absolutist “you are either with us or against us” modality.
Why then, even with people who would agree in principle that what Hamas did was terrible and unacceptable, do conversations get derailed? Because the two sides are coming into the conversation with different underlyingconcerns. I think what my Jewish friends, colleagues, and students want others to know is that they deeply believe – no, they are convinced – that now is the time to sit shiva as one global community and say that some things are simply never acceptable or excusable.
Meanwhile, I think that people who respond by shifting the discussion to Conversation to #2 or #3 (“well, we have to see the conflict in context”) are instead working to ensure that any acknowledgment of the evil perpetrated by Hamas does not minimize or forget the suffering that Palestinians (or other groups) have experienced; they also worry that their acknowledgment will be seen as tacit support for whatever Israel's government will do in retaliation—and many people are not ready to go that far.
But both sets of concerns can be met. It might be possible for both sides to get what they need from the dialogue – in fact, it will be easier for each side to get what it wants if it accommodates the genuine concerns and fears of the other.
Here are a few suggestions that might make such conversations more effective — and less likely to lead to disappointment or outrage.
It is important for everyone to be having the same conversation at the same time, no matter which conversation it happens to be. It does not help if you are trying to have Conversation #1 and others are having #2 or #3. It helps to clarify and coordinate on the scope of the discussion.
If you are starting Conversation #1, it is more likely to go well if the other side knows (or if you have conveyed) that you are also open to the other two conversations; this makes it less likely that others feel it’s their job to continually interrupt and advocate or lobby for what you seem to be ignoring.
It never helps when the other side feels like they are being judged—or being bullied into having a conversation on your terms—regardless of which position you are taking. Even when bullying seems to work, at best you can achieve temporary compliance, not true commitment.
We need to be mindful of what exactly we appear to be asking of others. For example, asking someone to agree that "Hamas is perpetrating evil" is not quite the same as asking them to agree that "Hamas is evil and you should support the Israeli government's response," or that "If you don't support Israel, you are on the side of the terrorists". Most people I know who are saddened or offended by the lack of support they are experiencing simply wanted their friends, colleagues, professors, employers and/or universities to agree with the first of these statements: that is, to offer a clear condemnation of Hamas. Unfortunately, the way this request or demand is conveyed can sometimes make the other side feel that they are being asked to sign on to far more than just a condemnation of Hamas. And this can lead to reactance or resistance or hesitation. In general, the more demands you are making, the less likely you will get the one thing you most wanted.
Some might bristle at these suggestions. A Jewish person might ask: why should I have to navigate conversations so carefully? It should not be so hard for people to say that the killing of babies is evil. A Palestinian might bristle at this for an entirely different reason: Where was this discussion, and where were these suggestions, when Palestinians are being killed? Both are fair complaints. And there are probably many other fair complaints.
But the purpose of this post is simply to point out that whether you’re incensed by what Hamas has done in Israel, or by what Israel has done in the West Bank or Gaza, if you want to have more productive conversations about it—with potential allies or even with people who generally disagree with you but might be receptive to aspects of your perspective—this might be a more effective approach.
So, where should these conversations start? It probably depends on who is in the room and what you are trying to accomplish. Especially in the aftermath of a tragedy such as this, starting with Conversation #1 makes a lot of sense. We should be able to take a moment to agree that what Hamas did should not be allowed to happen again—not to our Jewish brothers and sisters, not to our Palestinian brothers and sisters, and not to any group of people.
We should be able to clearly state that such acts can never be condoned. At the same time, with Israel’s response in Gaza already raising concerns regarding violations of international law, Conversation #3 can also not wait. We need to ensure that in this moment of maximal anger, pain, and fear, the Israeli government does not feel licensed to take actions that will make matters worse or run afoul of its own stated moral standards—because if history is any guide, it is often the case that vengeance leads to ineffective and short-sighted policymaking and to the perpetration of regrettable human rights violations. And, of course, a case could also be made for prioritizing Conversation #2 (i.e., discussing the roots of the conflict and seeing current events in context).
Which is to say, we should be able to have Conversation #1—and that doing so does not have to mean Conversation #2 or #3 is any less essential or urgent. Indeed, all of these are crucial if we are to do what is necessary to create a better world for future generations of Jewish Israelis, Arab Israelis, and Palestinians alike. We cannot give up on that goal.
We must all try, yet again, despite so many past failures and disappointments, to build a future that will provide peace and justice for all of humanity, not just for any one group. For that to happen, effective dialogue will be essential, and we can all do better in that domain.
(Deepak Malhotra is a professor at Harvard Business School)
King Charles III, patron of the Royal Horticultural Society, walks through the RHS and BBC Radio 2 Dog Garden during a visit to the RHS Chelsea Flower Show at Royal Hospital Chelsea on May 20, 2025 in London, England.
This particular year at the Royal Horticultural Society’s Chelsea Flower Show, there have been two members of the Royal Family who have had roses named after them.
‘The King’s Rose’, named after King Charles III, and ‘Catherine’s Rose’, named after Catherine, Princess of Wales. Both roses have been grown by two of the most well-known rose growers in the United Kingdom.
Firstly, ‘The King’s Rose’ was cultivated by David Austin. It took around 12 years for the rose to be exactly as he wanted. Austin was trying to propagate a rose that reflected the King’s values. It was created to help support the King’s Foundation, a charity founded by His Majesty King Charles III in 1990. The main purpose of this foundation is to help communities sustain their way of living and to improve lives.
The King’s Rose is the very first rose that Austin has bred that is variegated. It is a beautiful deep pink (fuchsia) and white striped rose. It has been bred to be resistant to modern-day diseases, and its semi-double bloom allows easy access for bees to pollinate the roses. The hips are said to be a warm orange colour that provides food for birds in the winter months.
‘Catherine’s Rose’ was bred by Harkness Roses. It was named for Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales. The sale of this rose supports the Royal Marsden Cancer Charity. Catherine’s Rose is a stunning floribunda, a dark rose-pink colour, with a heady scent of rose intermingled with the scent of mangoes. It gives an abundant number of blooms as well as being a great pollinator as the bloom opens.
This year, sustainability was high on the list of features in the show gardens. There seemed to be a common theme of restoration and looking at ways to re-use and recycle. Some of the exhibitors also had great products that re-used and recycled waste.
Sneeboer, a garden tool manufacturer, was one such business among many that stood out. They had managed to replace coal fires in their manufacturing process with solar power, also giving surplus back into the grid.
POTR was another business that uses plastic waste from the sea to make long-lasting, self-watering planters that are flat-packed. This means that the volume and weight are reduced, thereby reducing emissions during transit by up to 100 times.
There were, of course, many beautifully designed show gardens. Several that stood out from the norm for me personally were the following:
The Balcony Garden, which set out to show how even in the smallest amount of space available, you can support bees and biodiversity. They showed how, by just planning and planting vibrant, pollinator-friendly plants in planters repurposed from honey barrels, you can create a haven for these special bees. Also featured was the vertical planting of bee-friendly plants, which can be achieved in the smallest of spaces.
David Beckham wearing a David Austin Roses "King's Rose" speaks with King Charles III during a visit to the RHS Chelsea Flower Show at Royal Hospital Chelsea on May 20, 2025Getty Images
A show garden close to my heart was the ‘Garden of Compassion’, which was designed by Thomas Hoblyn for Hospice UK. It featured a ‘together’ bench, which was made from steam-bent timber. It was woven through the garden like a meandering stream, and could be used to sit in nature, enabling the person to feel the healing power of nature. There was the gentle, soothing sound of flowing water to help calm through reflection.
If you missed this year’s RHS Chelsea Flower Show, then make a note of the dates for next year. It takes place from 19 May, 2026 (Tuesday) until 23 May, 2026 (Saturday) at the Royal Hospital Chelsea.
The next RHS flower show for this year is the Hampton Court Palace Garden Festival.
It takes place from 1 July, 2025 (Wednesday) to 6 July, 2025 (Monday). Members of the RHS can attend on members-only days, which are 1 July, 2025 (Wednesday) and 2 July, 2025 (Thursday).
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The growing number of working-age adults not in jobs places a huge financial burden on Britain, according to recent reports
ECONOMIC inactivity is a major obstacle to the UK’s productivity and competitiveness.
As a business owner and employer with over 30 years of experience, I have seen firsthand how this challenge has intensified as the economically inactive population approaches 10 million nationally - almost one million more than pre-pandemic.
This includes nearly three million on long-term sick leave, an all-time high since records began in 1993, representing over a fifth of all 16-64 year-olds. The good news is that within these high numbers are hundreds of thousands who want to work and could do so with proper support.
But, for any government, these numbers are alarming. Economic inactivity acts as a drag on productivity and growth, as well as creates an unsustainable benefits burden for the nation, with the combined cost of working-age incapacity and disability benefits estimated by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) to hit £76 billion by the end of the parliament.
Recent national Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) reports highlight this significant increase in inactivity. They suggest a ‘Going Dutch’ decentralised approach that has seen the Netherlands reduce economic inactivity at three times the UK rate.
Government schemes here have shown mixed success thus far, often targeting only the most accessible cases rather than tackling the more challenging, but potentially more rewarding situations. I have repeatedly heard about thriving companies struggling to fill skilled positions while growing numbers of working-age adults remain disconnected from employment.
The CSJ highlights the enormous financial burden – £28bn annually in additional welfare payments, plus lost productivity and tax revenue. Equally concerning is the erosion of workplace skills among the long-term economically inactive, creating a downward spiral that worsens over time.
The ‘Going Dutch’ approach would provide holistic, person-focused support – something difficult to deliver from Whitehall. It would devolve employment support and adult learning budgets to better respond to local needs, requiring central government to embrace the risks of devolution and engage with grassroots organisations who understand their communities best. In Norway, they have, for generations, developed what a job coach might look like to something they call a social worker, but who focuses on the need of the person, not the services of the state. And in Denmark, they have experimented with giving local areas full autonomy in service design and delivery.
Dr Nik Kotecha
The good news is these approaches would not require substantial new funding. As an advocate for local knowledge and networks, I have long supported greater devolution of skills and employment policies to regional authorities. Local authorities and councils understand our local labour markets in ways Westminster cannot. They know which sectors are growing, which communities face particular challenges and which interventions work in a local, grassroots context.
The CSJ’s recommendation to devolve responsibility for employment support and adult education makes sense from a business perspective. It would enable agile, responsive approaches that our dynamic regional economy demands, replacing one-size-fitsall national programmes with tailored interventions.
Perhaps the most crucial insight is recognising that health and employment are deeply interconnected. The growing number of people classified as long-term sick represents a failure to create appropriate pathways back to employment that accommodate health conditions. In my businesses over the years, we have found that flexible arrangements, graduated return-to-work programmes and workplace adjustments can enable many individuals with health challenges to contribute productively.
What is needed is a fundamental shift in how we view the relationship between health and work. The current system too often presents a binary choice of either ‘fully fit for work’ or ‘entirely incapable’ – when in reality, most people lie somewhere inbetween.
The skills gap in the UK is not just about worker numbers, it is about equipping people with capabilities which our evolving economy demands. In my experience, the most effective training programmes are those developed in partnership between employers and education providers. When businesses can directly shape curriculum content, specify skills needed and offer workplace experience, the results are transformative.
Economic inactivity is not just about monetary costs either, it is about community wellbeing and social cohesion. Employment provides not just income, but also purpose, structure and social connection. Companies are not just economic entities, they are social institutions that can directly strengthen their communities.
For business leaders, I call for greater engagement with local authorities and skills providers to help develop employment pathways for the economically inactive. Rather than lamenting skills shortages, we should be actively participating in creating the workforce we need.
For policymakers, I would urge bold implementation of the CSJ’s recommendations, particularly devolving employment and skills responsibilities to regional authorities.
And for our communities, I ask for a renewed recognition of work’s value, not just as a source of income and prosperity, but also as a foundation for individual dignity as well as collective prosperity.
The untapped potential represented by economic inactivity in the UK is not just a problem to solve, it is our greatest opportunity for future growth. By combining business innovation, policy reform and community engagement, we can create pathways back to employment that benefit us all.
So let’s try ‘Going Dutch’, or ‘Norwegian’, or ‘Danish’ as possible solutions to addressing our nation’s most pressing inactivity challenges.
(Dr Nik Kotecha OBE is an internationally renowned businessman, scientist, influencer and serial entrepreneur. He founded and led the inspirational growth of leading Midlands-based developer and manufacturer of generic medicines, Morningside Pharmaceuticals Ltd, and is founder and chairman of RandalSun Capital. His current global business portfolio is wide-ranging and includes investments from start-ups to patient capital, with retained interests in health, life sciences and high innovation, IPrich businesses.)
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Artistic depiction of Arjuna and Krishna with the chariot
Over 5,000 years ago, on the battlefield of Kurukshetra, two armies comprising tens of thousands of men were ready to begin a war. The Pandavs were led by Arjuna, a warrior whose archery skills were unbeatable. At the last minute, before the war was to commence, Arjuna put down his weapons and declared to Krishna his decision not to fight. He reasoned that the war would kill tens of thousands of people all for a kingdom. It took the whole of the Bhagavad Gita to convince Arjuna to fight.
Even after Krishna destroyed all his doubts, Arjuna asked to see Krishna in his form as a supreme God. In short, Arjuna wanted to avoid confrontation at any cost.
In 1191, Muhammad Ghouri from Afghanistan attacked the Hindu king Prithviraj Chouhan. He was defeated, but Prithviraj let him go free. Prithviraj was probably influenced in his decision by his Dharma of compassion, or in the hope that Ghouri would never attack again as his life was spared — a good example of avoiding confrontation.
It is believed by many that Ghouri had attacked many more times and had been defeated but was allowed to go free. Regarded as one of the costliest mistakes of history, Mohammad Ghouri returned with a stronger and much larger army in 1192 CE. Prithviraj was defeated. Ghouri had Prithviraj's eyes gouged out and killed him mercilessly. Islam got a foothold in India after the defeat of Prithviraj, and most of Punjab, parts of Bihar, Bengal and parts of Gujarat fell under the rule of Ghouri.
Going back to the Mahabharata, Asvathama, who fought for the Kauravas, killed all the children of the Pandavas. When he was caught by the Pandavas, they decided to let him go because he was a Brahmin. In fact, Asvathama was Brahmin only by birth. By Karma, he was a Kshatriya. The same Asvathama at a later stage fired a powerful nuclear arrow towards the pregnant Uttara.
Once again, Lord Krishna had to appear and protect Uttara. Had Asvathama succeeded, he would have obliterated all the future Pandava dynasty. Here we see the urge of the Pandavas to go by the rules of Dharma and follow a moral code. Lord Krishna himself insisted to Arjuna that in some cases, the moral rules would need to be ignored.
The first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Nehru, believed that India did not need an army at all. He reasoned that India was a land of Ahimsa and so would not need to fight anyone. In 1962, China invaded India and has since occupied 38,000 km² of the Aksai Chin region in Kashmir, which is an extension of the Tibetan plateau. One can see here again a tendency to avoid any confrontation and naively believe the other party will play fair.
In 1965, Pakistan launched Operation Gibraltar against India. It was designed to infiltrate soldiers into Jammu and Kashmir and cause an uprising. Under international pressure, the then PM Lal Bahadur Shastri went to Tashkent and signed a peace treaty with Pakistan. While there, he died mysteriously. The treaty called upon both sides not to interfere in each other's affairs. It was not worth the paper it was written on.
In 1971, another war broke out between India and Pakistan. India won the war, which resulted in the creation of Bangladesh. Even though India won the war, it failed to grasp any long-term gains. Indeed, Bangladesh was quick to ask the Indian army to leave once they had been liberated.
The same Bangladesh today has turned against India and is persecuting Hindus. Following the 1971 war, the then PM Indira Gandhi and Pakistan PM Bhutto signed the Shimla Agreement. Both nations committed to establish peaceful coexistence and mutual respect. Again, an agreement not worth the piece of paper it was written on. Indian forces had captured around 15,010 km² (5,795 sq mi) of land during the war but returned it after the Shimla Agreement as a gesture of goodwill.
In 1984, under Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, the Indian Army launched Operation Meghdoot, a military operation to seize control of the Siachen Glacier. This operation was a pre-emptive move as it was believed that Pakistan was also planning to take control of the glacier. In spite of the Pakistani attacks, India granted it MFN (Most Favoured Nation for trade purposes) status in 1996. However, Pakistan did not reciprocate. India withdrew its MFN status in February 2019 following the Pulwama attack.
On 20 February 1999, PM Vajpayee visited Pakistan and signed the Lahore Declaration. It was hailed as a turning point in relations between the two countries. However, in a classic case of treachery, just a few months later between May and July, under the leadership of Chief of Army Pervez Musharraf, the Pakistan army occupied Indian territory in Kargil. Some Indian soldiers protecting the area had their eyes gouged out.
India successfully dislodged the Pakistani occupiers. In the conflict, 527 Indian soldiers were killed and 1,363 wounded. India's Jat Regiment managed to occupy a strategically important mountain peak on the Pakistani side of the LoC near Dras, Point 5070, and subsequently renamed it Balwan.
On 24 December 1999, Indian Airlines Flight 814, commonly known as IC 814, was hijacked by five members of Harkat-ul-Mujahideen. A plan to send in commandos to neutralise the terrorists did not materialise. The then PM Vajpayee agreed to release three terrorists in exchange for the release of 160 passengers.
Of the terrorists released, Omar Sheikh went on to finance one of the hijackers of the 9/11 attacks and the kidnap and murder of American journalist Daniel Pearl. Maulana Masood Azhar formed Jaish-e-Mohammed, a United Nations-designated terrorist organisation. Maulana Masood was the mastermind behind the Parliament attacks in 2001, the 2016 attacks on the Indian Air Force base in Pathankot, and the killing of CRPF jawans in 2019 in Pulwama. He is responsible for hundreds of Indian deaths.
After the attack on Parliament, the then PM Vajpayee mobilised the army to attack Pakistan. Once again, due to international pressure, PM Vajpayee stopped the army which was eager to launch an invasion. LeT, the other terrorist organisation co-founded by Hafiz Saeed, is also responsible for many attacks on India.
The blasts in Delhi in October 2005 killed four people. On 11 July 2006, seven blasts ripped through trains in the evening rush hour in Mumbai. 189 people were killed and more than 800 were injured. The 26/11 Mumbai attacks in November 2008 claimed 166 lives. The terrorists held the whole country to ransom for three days.
India had to retaliate but PM Manmohan Singh and the Congress party decided against taking any action. One of the reasons given was that India would gain world sympathy — a classic case of avoiding confrontation at any cost.
LeT also masterminded the Uri army base attack, killing 19 soldiers in September 2016. For the first time under the Prime Ministership of Modi, India took offensive action. On 29 September 2016, teams of Indian Army Para (Special Forces) crossed the Line of Control into Pakistani-administered Kashmir to attack targets up to a kilometre within territory held by Pakistan. Around 35 to 40 Pakistani soldiers were killed or injured.
In 2010, a bomb blast in a crowded bakery in the city of Pune killed nine people and wounded 57. Through all this, ‘cultural’ exchanges were going on between the two countries. In December 2015, PM Modi made an impromptu visit to Lahore as a goodwill gesture and met PM Sharif. Unfortunately, in Pakistan, it is the military which calls the shots, not the governing parties.
After the Pulwama attack, PM Modi targeted the terrorists inside Pakistan with a missile attack. However, it seems to have had little impact on the terror groups. They carried out the dastardly act of killing 26 Hindus in Kashmir on 26 April 2025. PM Modi ordered attacks on nine terrorist hubs.
However, the mini conflict came to an abrupt end and both India and Pakistan declared a ceasefire. What assurances India received from Pakistan is not clear. Indeed, terrorists from Pakistan have already attempted two terror attacks but were neutralised by the Indian army. India could have demanded the release of Kulbushan Yadav, who has been incarcerated in Pakistan on spying charges for nine years.
Though India has always come out on top on the war front, on the negotiating table it seems to surrender all the gains with little in return. Pakistan-based terrorists have killed hundreds of Indian soldiers over the decades and got away with it.
India needs to revisit the great political master Chanakya and his treatise Arthashastra on war and peace.
(Nitin Mehta is a writer and commentator on Indian culture and philosophy. He has contributed extensively to discussions on Hinduism, spirituality, and the role of Gurus in modern society. You can find more of his work at www.nitinmehta.co.uk.)
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The mainstream print media in India, both in English and regional languages, has remained largely responsible and sober
MISINFORMATION and disinformation are not new in the age of social media, but India’s mainstream news channels peddling them during a time of war was a new low.
Hours after India launched Operation Sindoor, most channels went into overdrive with ‘breaking news’ meant to shock, or worse, excite.
Channels beamed blurry images of the Pakistan attack on Indian territory with nearly 400 drones last Thursday (8) night, on a loop, and news tickers announced an Indian advance into enemy territory.
They claimed a Pakistani fighter pilot had been captured alive in Punjab, only to revise it a while later to say that not one, but two were in India’s custody. Minutes later came reports of an aerial attack in Islamabad, right next to the house of Pakistan’s prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, and claims that he had taken shelter in a bunker.
Before one could process why India, known for its restraint, would escalate tensions at this scale on just the second day of attack, the next salvo of misinformation was launched – the Indian Navy had ‘destroyed’ the Karachi port, accompanied by images of a ravaged facility.
The next report claimed Pakistan Army chief Asim Munir had been ousted in a coup and was being held in ‘custody’ (by whom was anybody’s guess). These ‘news’ items painted a picture of unprecedented aggression by one nuclear state against another.
Except, none of these stories were true. The defence press briefing last Friday (9) made no mention of captured pilots, an attack on Karachi port, or any development concerning Munir.
Indian fact-checkers debunked the videos of the Karachi port attack aired by some channels as footage from a 2020 BBC report from Gaza.
Last Sunday (11), clarity emerged when India’s director general of naval operations said that Indian battleships were stationed “with full readiness and capacity to strike select targets, including Karachi,” laying to rest speculation of an attack on the port. The Indian defence establishment also confirmed it had ‘downed’ Pakistani fighter jets, but made no mention of any ‘captured’ pilots.
The Indian news channels’ false reporting was called out by social media users within hours, prompting many to backtrack and apologise. A few also faced criticism for their warmongering – one ‘expert’ on a channel declared mazaa (fun) would begin when Pakistan attacks India.
Another example of the channels’ insensitivity was the use of AI-generated images and graphics – one depicting an enraged Indian prime minister Narendra Modi trampling a cowering Sharif – which trivialised the conflict and framed it as little more than a high-stakes cricket match between the two nations.
Some Indian media houses reported that similar fake news was being broadcast by Pakistani outlets. However, for someone in India, where I live, it has become nearly impossible to verify what the media is reporting on the other side of the border, as the government has banned access to Pakistani news channels, including Dawn and Geo News.
Several Indian news websites, including The Wire – co-founded by a former editor of The Hindu – also faced bans (in this case, the restriction was lifted a day later).
Amid all this, the mainstream print media, both in English and regional languages, has remained largely responsible and sober, refraining from whipping up passions. Many news websites have done the same.
If the ceasefire doesn’t hold, this could become the first major war that Indians witness in the age of private news channels and social media. Whether the screens will make the proverbial fog of war even thicker remains to be seen.
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A vivid depiction of the Kurukshetra battlefield, where Arjuna and Krishna stand amidst the chaos, embodying the eternal conflict between duty and morality
War and peace have exercised the minds of human beings for as far back as history goes. It is no wonder then that the Mahabharata war, which took place over 5,000 years ago, became a moment of intense discussion between Lord Krishna and Arjuna.
Hundreds of thousands of people on either side were ready to begin battle on the site of Kurukshetra. Seeing the armies and his near and dear combatants, Arjuna lost the will to fight. How could he fight his grandfather Bhisma and his guru Dronacharya? He asked Krishna what all the bloodshed would achieve.
Krishna replied that every effort to resolve the conflict had been blocked by Duryodhana. Duryodhana had refused to give the Pandavas even a needlepoint of land, despite Lord Krishna's peace proposal that they accept just five villages. Krishna urged and convinced Arjuna that it was his dharma to fight a righteous war, even if it came with painful consequences.
While war is characterised by violence and destruction, it can also be a catalyst for peace negotiations and treaties.
Charles Minard's iconic flow map illustrating Napoleon's ill-fated invasion of Russia, highlighting the vast distances and severe lossesAge of Revolution
The great political master Chanakya (350–275 BCE), guru of Chandragupta of the mighty Maurya empire, wrote the famous treatise Arthashastra. In it, he describes in detail the steps one must take to wage war. Kautilya suggested four policies: conciliation (sama), compensation (dana, or gifts to adversaries to pacify them), dissension (bheda, creating divisions within adversaries), and force (danda, attack). These could be used singly or in combination, depending on the context.
However, like Krishna, Chanakya advocated war only when all other alternatives were exhausted.
According to Von Clausewitz, a military theorist (1780–1831), “War is merely continuation of a policy by other means.” He believed military objectives that support political aims fall into two broad types: wars to achieve limited goals, and wars to disarm the enemy—rendering them politically helpless or militarily impotent.
After suffering years of terrorist violence and the recent brutal killings of Hindus in Kashmir, India feels it has exhausted all avenues of peace with Pakistan.
There has also been a school of thought which rejects war altogether. Leo Tolstoy, author of War and Peace, had strong anti-war sentiments, expressed through his writings and personal life. In his book, he chronicled the French invasion of Russia in 1812, led by Napoleon Bonaparte.
Vivid depiction of the Kurukshetra battlefield, showcasing Arjuna and Krishna in the chariot amidst the chaos of warAmazon
Tolstoy himself fought in the Crimean War (1853–1856), a conflict between the Russian Empire and an alliance of the Ottoman Empire, the Second French Empire, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont. Sardinia is an island and autonomous region of Italy.
Tolstoy believed war was inherently unjust and a product of government actions, rather than the people's interests. He emphasised the importance of love—both human and divine—as a force for peace and against the brutality of conflict.
Christians have a concept called a Just War, taken up only as a last resort. They also had the doctrine of holy wars called the Crusades, meant to recapture occupied territories. This idea is now considered a shibboleth.
The current Russia-Ukraine war has brought some interesting observations, according to Benjamin Jensen, director of the Futures Lab and senior fellow for the Defence and Security Department at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies.
He points out that the war has shown the rise of drone warfare and electronic warfare as defining features of modern conflict. Long-range attack drones have played a crucial role.
After the Russian invasion in February 2022, then-Ukrainian ambassador to India, Igor Polikha, urged PM Modi to help stop the war. He said India had qualified in diplomacy through Kautilya several thousand years ago, when Europe had no civilisation.
Unfortunately, President Zelensky of Ukraine has presided over the destruction of his country, having failed on both diplomatic and military fronts.
(Nitin Mehta is a writer and commentator on Indian culture and philosophy. He has contributed extensively to discussions on Hinduism, spirituality, and the role of Gurus in modern society. You can find more of his work at www.nitinmehta.co.uk.)
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