Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

If Labour has the power to delay the Rwanda plan, why don’t they use it?

British future’s research shows that majority ask for amendments to the Rwanda policy or scrap it altogether

If Labour has the power to delay the Rwanda plan, why don’t they use it?

THE government’s controversial Safety of Rwanda Bill returns to the House of Commons this week, where MPs will debate amendments proposed by the Lords.

Facing the conundrum of what to do with the Bill – which overrules the UK Supreme Court to deem Rwanda a safe place to which asylum seekers can be removed – the Lords proposed some exceedingly modest amendments. Peers suggest that the scheme should "maintain full compliance with domestic and international law". Where the Bill insists that the courts must find Rwanda safe, the caveat "unless presented with credible evidence to the contrary" is appended. Nobody could mistake the crossbench peers in the House of Lords for a group of dangerous radicals.


New research published today by British Future finds majority public support for almost all the Lords amendments. The ‘will of the people’ – invoked by PM Rishi Sunak as he warned peers not to delay his Bill – supports this common-sense consensus: if you want to deem Rwanda safe, you first have to check that it is.

Six in ten people (61%) – including 55% of Conservative voters – think the government should either accept some amendments to the Rwanda policy or scrap it altogether.

They look likely to be disappointed. These modest proposals now go to the Commons, where the government will vote them down. What happens next is called "ping pong" between the chambers. What has made some crossbenchers cross with the Opposition, as well as with the government, is Labour's reluctance to attempt a rally or two before conceding this Bill to the government.

GettyImages 2083344636 Labour has pledged to scrap the Rwanda plan when it takes office, says Katwala (Photo by Dan Kitwood/Getty Images)

Peers are reticent about using their constitutional power to delay a bill by up to a year – yet an opposition-crossbench alliance could use that as significant leverage to insist on one amendment to properly check whether Rwanda is actually safe.

Labour fears that the Rwanda Bill is a trap – so worries about giving the government a “Get Rwanda Done” election slogan. But how far is it a cunning plan to duck that, if it effectively helps the government to get Rwanda done sooner?

Keir Starmer’s heart will be on the side of the rule of law. Might the former human rights lawyer be willing to sacrifice international law to prove he is steely enough for power? Maybe. But set the ethics aside for a moment and ask whether that political calculus makes sense even in its own terms.

After all, Labour has pledged to scrap the Rwanda plan when it takes office. To win marginal seats across the UK, in both Kent and Glasgow, it needs a bridging message of “control and compassion” that can make sense to swing voters and its liberal base. That means being tough on people-smugglers and fair to refugees. Labour would seek to remove those whose asylum claims fail – but opposes indiscriminate removals to Africa, which deport those with genuine claims too.

LEAD Comment 2 Sunder Katwala byline pic 2 Sunder Katwala

The working assumption of both parties is that, if this bill passes quickly, there will be some pre-election flights to Rwanda. That may not happen. There are court battles to come. No airline wants the job. President Kagame knows that Rishi Sunak’s re-election prospects look weaker than his own. Might he lose his appetite to make Rwanda the political football in a UK election likely to bring Labour to power?

So the cautious Starmerite choice should be to lock in the current Rwanda argument. Sunak blames bishops, judges and Labour for frustrating his plan – but a blame game about why he could not stop the boats reminds voters that he failed to keep his promises. Labour’s counter that Rwanda was an unworkable gimmick is stronger if the plan never starts.

The gamble is to throw Rishi Sunak a lifeline on his biggest political headache – helping him to change the subject from (not) stopping the boats to who will and won’t ‘send the planes’. It will be too late to judge if the (unlikely) deterrent argument stands up but that won’t stop briefings about a massive, post-election expansion of the Rwanda plan. The media optics will be intense. If the Opposition did want less Rwanda in the election build-up, gifting dramatic images of flights and protests to the government is a tactical blunder at least.

Starmer could learn much from the cautious crossbenchers. Their modest amendments pass the common sense test – and get a thumbs-up from the public as a result. Let Rwanda be deemed safe , if it is safe. Give British courts as much say as the ECHR: if the new Treaty really has fixed the problems the UK Supreme Court found, the government should have nothing to fear from the judges.

Politics can involve difficult dilemmas – but ethical imperatives and political interests can coincide. If the Opposition has the power to delay the Rwanda plan – unless it is genuinely safe – should it use it or stand aside?  Let us at least debate the choice being made and why.

More For You

Does likeability count more than brilliance?

Higher education participation is 50 per cent for British south Asian students

Does likeability count more than brilliance?

THE headline in the Daily Telegraph read: An 18-year-old with a higher IQ than Stephen Hawking has passed 23 A-levels.

The gushing piece went on to report that Mahnoor Cheema, whose family originate from Pakistan, had also received an unconditional offer from Oxford University to read medicine.

Keep ReadingShow less
Comment: Why it’s vital to tell stories
of Asian troops’ war effort

Jay Singh Sohal on Mandalay Hill in Burma at the position once held by Sikh machine gunners who fought to liberate the area

Comment: Why it’s vital to tell stories of Asian troops’ war effort

Jay Singh Sohal OBE VR

ACROSS the Asian subcontinent 80 years ago, the guns finally fell silent on August 15, the Second World War had truly ended.

Yet, in Britain, what became known as VJ Day often remains a distant afterthought, overshadowed by Victory in Europe against the Nazis, which is marked three months earlier.

Keep ReadingShow less
Judicial well-being: From taboo to recognition by the UN

The causes of judicial stress are multifaceted, and their effects go far beyond individual well-being

iStock

Judicial well-being: From taboo to recognition by the UN

Justice Rangajeeva Wimalasena

Judicial well-being has long been a taboo subject, despite the untold toll it has taken on judges who must grapple daily with the problems and traumas of others. Research shows that judicial stress is more pronounced among magistrates and trial judges, who routinely face intense caseloads and are exposed to distressing material. The causes of judicial stress are multifaceted, and their effects go far beyond individual well-being. They ultimately affect the integrity of the institution and the quality of justice delivered. This is why judicial well-being requires serious recognition and priority.

As early as 1981, American clinical psychologist Isaiah M. Zimmerman presented one of the first and most comprehensive analyses of the impact of stress on judges. He identified a collection of stressors, including overwhelming caseloads, isolation, the pressure to maintain a strong public image, and the loneliness of the judicial role. He also highlighted deeply personal challenges such as midlife transitions, marital strain, and diminishing career satisfaction, all of which quietly but persistently erode judicial well-being.

Keep ReadingShow less
Fauja Singh

Fauja Singh

Getty Images

What Fauja Singh taught me

I met Fauja Singh twice, once when we hiked Snowdon and I was in awe he was wearing shoes, not trainers and walking like a pro, no fear, just smiling away. I was struggling to do the hike with trainers. I remember my mum saying “what an inspiration”. He was a very humble and kind human being. The second time I met him was when I was at an event, and again, he just had such a radiant energy about him. He’s one of a kind and I’m blessed to have met him.

He wasn’t just a runner. He was a symbol. A living contradiction to everything we’re taught about age, limits, and when to stop dreaming. And now that he’s gone, it feels like a light has gone out—not just in Punjab or east London, but in the hearts of everyone who saw a bit of themselves in his journey.

Keep ReadingShow less
“Why can’t I just run?”: A south Asian woman’s harrowing harassment story

Minreet with her mother

“Why can’t I just run?”: A south Asian woman’s harrowing harassment story

I was five years old when my parents first signed me up for a mini marathon. They were both keen runners and wanted me to follow in their footsteps. At the time, I hated it. Running felt like punishment — exhausting, uncomfortable, and something I never imagined I’d do by choice.

But one moment changed everything. I was 12, attending a gymnastics competition, and had gone to the car alone to grab my hula hoop. As I walked back, a group of men started shouting at me. They moved closer. I didn’t wait to hear what they had to say — I ran. Fast. My heart was pounding. It was the first time I felt afraid simply for existing in public as a young girl. I never told anyone. But I remember feeling thankful, strangely, that my parents had taught me how to run.

Keep ReadingShow less