How BBC local radio is failing diversity challenge
‘Changes to current programming risk reducing ethnic output by two thirds in East Midlands'
By Dr Liam McCarthyJul 13, 2023
ONE of the key public purposes of the BBC is ‘to reflect, represent and serve the diverse communities’ of the United Kingdom. The broadcaster’s operating licence from Ofcom goes further – ‘the BBC should accurately and authentically represent and portray the lives of the people of the United Kingdom today and raise awareness of the different cultures and alternative viewpoints that make up its society’.
The changes to BBC local radio currently being pushed through by the corporation’s senior management in England will seriously affect the ability of BBC local radio to meet this challenge.
The three BBC local stations in the east Midlands – located in Derby, Leicester and Nottingham – provide a case study of how the BBC is setting them up to fail to reflect the diversity of their areas.
Diversity is not ‘just’ a question of ethnicity, it also encapsulates gender, age, sexuality and socio-economic status. According to the 2021 census, there were 3.2 million people living in the combined local radio areas of BBC Radios Derby, Leicester and Nottingham.
Despite some exceptionally wealthy areas, pockets of deprivation exist; a fifth of working-age adults in the east Midlands live in poverty; a third of people in the city of Leicester live in some of the most deprived areas in England and 120,000 people in the East Midlands used a foodbank in the last year.
These are also some of the most digitally excluded people and many form the core of local radio audiences.
BBC local radio stations have a duty to cover these issues in their programmes, and they do. However, unless the speech ratio is drastically increased, scrapping local for regional shared programmes in the afternoons and at weekends will automatically reduce the local story count by two thirds across the three east Midlands stations in these time slots.
The replacement formats featuring non-locally specific and generic ‘celebrity’ interviews and quizzes will hardly cover the remit of a public service broadcaster. Each station will stop being local every weekday afternoon from 2pm and at weekends will be regional or national from 2pm on Fridays until 6am on Mondays.
BBC management have pledged to keep sports coverage – but with kick-off times scheduled by TV broadcasters it will continue to mean sport is a moveable feast in the schedule and will listeners bother to look for it in a sea of regional content? In addition, will sports – other than football and rugby – still feature in game score and match reports or benefit from the current range of podcasts on BBC Sounds?
One non-league football podcast from BBC Three Counties Radio has already been scrapped.
But it is in the field of ethnic diversity that the three BBC East Midlands stations are going to be hit hardest.
As a region, the east Midlands is pretty typical of England and Wales with 17 per cent (569,489) of the population from non-white backgrounds. However, locally, there are huge differences and it is apparent that one size will not fit all.
In Derbyshire, 96 per cent of people are white, but this drops to 74 per cent in Derby, 67 per cent in Nottingham and 42 per cent in Leicester. As a ‘minority-majority’ city, Leicester is an outlier, but both Nottingham and Derby also require daily programming that reflects the multi-ethnic make up of their communities. This means that BBC staffing, including presenters, producers, and managers, with links to diverse communities bringing different perspectives to the stories covered should be the norm.
So how are the stations doing on air at present? In the week from May 13-19, just six out of the 63 daytime programmes across the three stations between 6am and 6pm were hosted by presenters of colour – all of them British Asian and all in Leicester. As the number of local programmes on each station is cut from 21 to 10 each week, there will inevitably be fewer local presentation shifts per week and fewer chances for new presenters of colour to engage locally.
Crucially, the BBC needs to be led at all levels by more people of colour – including the senior management for England – that is the only way things will change, organically, rather than the current over reliance on ‘diversity’ initiatives.
With the BBC’s head of creative diversity, Joanna Abeyie1 leaving the corporation, the third diversity executive to do so in two years – questions remain about how serious the BBC is about change, rather than ‘window dressing’.
One of the key local sequences to be dropped in favour of regional programming is the Sunday morning faith sequence, running between 6am and 10am. Cutting the local shows down to one reduces the number of faith stories that can be covered by two thirds and will inevitably bring a diminution in the range of treatments – it will revert to talking heads.
For non-Christian faith groups, it is difficult to see how 155,000 Muslims, 75,000 Hindus and 30,000 Sikhs in the east Midlands are going to be served regionally.
Local relevance is key in faith programming, so are the long-trusted links built up between journalists and faith leaders. Will coverage of the major Diwali celebrations come from Leicester where 90 per cent of Hindus live? Will it be relevant in Nottingham and Derby?
If Eid material is based in Leicester – again, where more than half of the Muslims in the east Midlands live – will it disregard the different backgrounds of Muslims in Derby and Nottingham?
The heritage of these British Asian communities from the Indian sub-continent and east Africa brings even more complications that will be difficult to address regionally. No decision has been made public on where the new regional faith programme will come from, but how will the contacts across all faiths in the East Midlands be nurtured by one producer or presenter across three counties? The same applies nationally as large regional patches become the norm, and as the Archbishop of York told BBC Radio Sheffield: ‘I hear and listen respectfully to their arguments, but local radio works because it is local. Once you spread that too thinly, you lose the distinctive voice of the local’ … and he’s not wrong.
Dr Liam McCarthy
But it doesn’t end there, as valued and popular, targeted local ethnic programming across England is also to be dropped in favour of regional and national output.
To be fair, the BBC said they are not saving money here and plan that the number of stations that broadcast community programmes will increase.
But, drill this down to a region and the ‘regional’ concept becomes flaky.
Before Herdle White retired from BBC Radio Leicester in May, the East Midlands stations were producing 17 hours of discrete black and Asian programming: BBC Radio Derby (four hours) Radio Nottingham (four hours) and BBC Radio Leicester (nine hours).
Under the new plans, this will be reduced to just six hours, featuring two discrete three-hour regional programmes targeted at south Asian and African/ Caribbean communities and then a national programme from London.
How is pulling coverage for all the south Asian and black communities in the East Midlands together in just two shows going to serve local communities? At the very least, it will reduce the opportunities for local news to be gathered and broadcast on each station as the content is again reduced by two thirds.
Let’s not forget these local shows are one of the ways the BBC first became aware of the devastating effect of Covid 19 on black and Asian minority ethnic (BAME) communities. When the local programmes are gone, what will be the conduit for stories from these marginalised communities to come into the BBC? One of the other valuable roles these local programmes have performed over 50 years on air across England is to provide a front door to the BBC through which new talent has joined the corporation – including BBC local radio managing editors, senior BBC journalists and programme makers.
The BBC is failing in its public purpose on diversity. I would argue that closing local community and faith programmes and making them regional is no way to fulfil the charter objective to ‘raise awareness of the different cultures and alternative viewpoints that make up society’. What is happening in the east Midlands is being replicated across England as £19 million – around one fifth of the BBC local radio budget – is being ripped away to spend on online content. Let’s be clear that investment should be made in local online journalism – but not at the expense of tearing the heart out of BBC local radio, a key plank in trying to bring the BBC closer to diverse communities across England. We heard this week that the NUJ in Leeds and West Yorkshire has discovered that the BBC local radio service licence requires more evening programming to be local … so reversing these damaging cuts to community programmes would allow the local broadcast quota in the evenings to be met.
The BBC’s executive board is allowing management in England to destroy these local connections – despite opposition from the government, MPs, a former director general, a former controller of English regions and the staff – we don’t know about the public as they haven’t been consulted yet. Is the executive board not intervening for fear of being seen as too London-centric? It – and the BBC’s new acting chair – need to step in and rebuild trust with its staff and audiences across England; if it does not, then Ofcom as the BBC’s regulator should intervene.
Dr Liam McCarthy is an honorary fellow in the Department of History, Politics and International Relations at the University of Leicester. His new book, Finding a British Asian Sound on BBC Radio, will be published by Palgrave Macmillan in autumn 2023. In a 30-year career at the BBC he was managing editor of three BBC Local Radio stations in Leicester, Nottingham and Sheffield and was head of BBC Local Radio Training.
King Charles III, patron of the Royal Horticultural Society, walks through the RHS and BBC Radio 2 Dog Garden during a visit to the RHS Chelsea Flower Show at Royal Hospital Chelsea on May 20, 2025 in London, England.
This particular year at the Royal Horticultural Society’s Chelsea Flower Show, there have been two members of the Royal Family who have had roses named after them.
‘The King’s Rose’, named after King Charles III, and ‘Catherine’s Rose’, named after Catherine, Princess of Wales. Both roses have been grown by two of the most well-known rose growers in the United Kingdom.
Firstly, ‘The King’s Rose’ was cultivated by David Austin. It took around 12 years for the rose to be exactly as he wanted. Austin was trying to propagate a rose that reflected the King’s values. It was created to help support the King’s Foundation, a charity founded by His Majesty King Charles III in 1990. The main purpose of this foundation is to help communities sustain their way of living and to improve lives.
The King’s Rose is the very first rose that Austin has bred that is variegated. It is a beautiful deep pink (fuchsia) and white striped rose. It has been bred to be resistant to modern-day diseases, and its semi-double bloom allows easy access for bees to pollinate the roses. The hips are said to be a warm orange colour that provides food for birds in the winter months.
‘Catherine’s Rose’ was bred by Harkness Roses. It was named for Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales. The sale of this rose supports the Royal Marsden Cancer Charity. Catherine’s Rose is a stunning floribunda, a dark rose-pink colour, with a heady scent of rose intermingled with the scent of mangoes. It gives an abundant number of blooms as well as being a great pollinator as the bloom opens.
This year, sustainability was high on the list of features in the show gardens. There seemed to be a common theme of restoration and looking at ways to re-use and recycle. Some of the exhibitors also had great products that re-used and recycled waste.
Sneeboer, a garden tool manufacturer, was one such business among many that stood out. They had managed to replace coal fires in their manufacturing process with solar power, also giving surplus back into the grid.
POTR was another business that uses plastic waste from the sea to make long-lasting, self-watering planters that are flat-packed. This means that the volume and weight are reduced, thereby reducing emissions during transit by up to 100 times.
There were, of course, many beautifully designed show gardens. Several that stood out from the norm for me personally were the following:
The Balcony Garden, which set out to show how even in the smallest amount of space available, you can support bees and biodiversity. They showed how, by just planning and planting vibrant, pollinator-friendly plants in planters repurposed from honey barrels, you can create a haven for these special bees. Also featured was the vertical planting of bee-friendly plants, which can be achieved in the smallest of spaces.
David Beckham wearing a David Austin Roses "King's Rose" speaks with King Charles III during a visit to the RHS Chelsea Flower Show at Royal Hospital Chelsea on May 20, 2025Getty Images
A show garden close to my heart was the ‘Garden of Compassion’, which was designed by Thomas Hoblyn for Hospice UK. It featured a ‘together’ bench, which was made from steam-bent timber. It was woven through the garden like a meandering stream, and could be used to sit in nature, enabling the person to feel the healing power of nature. There was the gentle, soothing sound of flowing water to help calm through reflection.
If you missed this year’s RHS Chelsea Flower Show, then make a note of the dates for next year. It takes place from 19 May, 2026 (Tuesday) until 23 May, 2026 (Saturday) at the Royal Hospital Chelsea.
The next RHS flower show for this year is the Hampton Court Palace Garden Festival.
It takes place from 1 July, 2025 (Wednesday) to 6 July, 2025 (Monday). Members of the RHS can attend on members-only days, which are 1 July, 2025 (Wednesday) and 2 July, 2025 (Thursday).
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The growing number of working-age adults not in jobs places a huge financial burden on Britain, according to recent reports
ECONOMIC inactivity is a major obstacle to the UK’s productivity and competitiveness.
As a business owner and employer with over 30 years of experience, I have seen firsthand how this challenge has intensified as the economically inactive population approaches 10 million nationally - almost one million more than pre-pandemic.
This includes nearly three million on long-term sick leave, an all-time high since records began in 1993, representing over a fifth of all 16-64 year-olds. The good news is that within these high numbers are hundreds of thousands who want to work and could do so with proper support.
But, for any government, these numbers are alarming. Economic inactivity acts as a drag on productivity and growth, as well as creates an unsustainable benefits burden for the nation, with the combined cost of working-age incapacity and disability benefits estimated by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) to hit £76 billion by the end of the parliament.
Recent national Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) reports highlight this significant increase in inactivity. They suggest a ‘Going Dutch’ decentralised approach that has seen the Netherlands reduce economic inactivity at three times the UK rate.
Government schemes here have shown mixed success thus far, often targeting only the most accessible cases rather than tackling the more challenging, but potentially more rewarding situations. I have repeatedly heard about thriving companies struggling to fill skilled positions while growing numbers of working-age adults remain disconnected from employment.
The CSJ highlights the enormous financial burden – £28bn annually in additional welfare payments, plus lost productivity and tax revenue. Equally concerning is the erosion of workplace skills among the long-term economically inactive, creating a downward spiral that worsens over time.
The ‘Going Dutch’ approach would provide holistic, person-focused support – something difficult to deliver from Whitehall. It would devolve employment support and adult learning budgets to better respond to local needs, requiring central government to embrace the risks of devolution and engage with grassroots organisations who understand their communities best. In Norway, they have, for generations, developed what a job coach might look like to something they call a social worker, but who focuses on the need of the person, not the services of the state. And in Denmark, they have experimented with giving local areas full autonomy in service design and delivery.
Dr Nik Kotecha
The good news is these approaches would not require substantial new funding. As an advocate for local knowledge and networks, I have long supported greater devolution of skills and employment policies to regional authorities. Local authorities and councils understand our local labour markets in ways Westminster cannot. They know which sectors are growing, which communities face particular challenges and which interventions work in a local, grassroots context.
The CSJ’s recommendation to devolve responsibility for employment support and adult education makes sense from a business perspective. It would enable agile, responsive approaches that our dynamic regional economy demands, replacing one-size-fitsall national programmes with tailored interventions.
Perhaps the most crucial insight is recognising that health and employment are deeply interconnected. The growing number of people classified as long-term sick represents a failure to create appropriate pathways back to employment that accommodate health conditions. In my businesses over the years, we have found that flexible arrangements, graduated return-to-work programmes and workplace adjustments can enable many individuals with health challenges to contribute productively.
What is needed is a fundamental shift in how we view the relationship between health and work. The current system too often presents a binary choice of either ‘fully fit for work’ or ‘entirely incapable’ – when in reality, most people lie somewhere inbetween.
The skills gap in the UK is not just about worker numbers, it is about equipping people with capabilities which our evolving economy demands. In my experience, the most effective training programmes are those developed in partnership between employers and education providers. When businesses can directly shape curriculum content, specify skills needed and offer workplace experience, the results are transformative.
Economic inactivity is not just about monetary costs either, it is about community wellbeing and social cohesion. Employment provides not just income, but also purpose, structure and social connection. Companies are not just economic entities, they are social institutions that can directly strengthen their communities.
For business leaders, I call for greater engagement with local authorities and skills providers to help develop employment pathways for the economically inactive. Rather than lamenting skills shortages, we should be actively participating in creating the workforce we need.
For policymakers, I would urge bold implementation of the CSJ’s recommendations, particularly devolving employment and skills responsibilities to regional authorities.
And for our communities, I ask for a renewed recognition of work’s value, not just as a source of income and prosperity, but also as a foundation for individual dignity as well as collective prosperity.
The untapped potential represented by economic inactivity in the UK is not just a problem to solve, it is our greatest opportunity for future growth. By combining business innovation, policy reform and community engagement, we can create pathways back to employment that benefit us all.
So let’s try ‘Going Dutch’, or ‘Norwegian’, or ‘Danish’ as possible solutions to addressing our nation’s most pressing inactivity challenges.
(Dr Nik Kotecha OBE is an internationally renowned businessman, scientist, influencer and serial entrepreneur. He founded and led the inspirational growth of leading Midlands-based developer and manufacturer of generic medicines, Morningside Pharmaceuticals Ltd, and is founder and chairman of RandalSun Capital. His current global business portfolio is wide-ranging and includes investments from start-ups to patient capital, with retained interests in health, life sciences and high innovation, IPrich businesses.)
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Artistic depiction of Arjuna and Krishna with the chariot
Over 5,000 years ago, on the battlefield of Kurukshetra, two armies comprising tens of thousands of men were ready to begin a war. The Pandavs were led by Arjuna, a warrior whose archery skills were unbeatable. At the last minute, before the war was to commence, Arjuna put down his weapons and declared to Krishna his decision not to fight. He reasoned that the war would kill tens of thousands of people all for a kingdom. It took the whole of the Bhagavad Gita to convince Arjuna to fight.
Even after Krishna destroyed all his doubts, Arjuna asked to see Krishna in his form as a supreme God. In short, Arjuna wanted to avoid confrontation at any cost.
In 1191, Muhammad Ghouri from Afghanistan attacked the Hindu king Prithviraj Chouhan. He was defeated, but Prithviraj let him go free. Prithviraj was probably influenced in his decision by his Dharma of compassion, or in the hope that Ghouri would never attack again as his life was spared — a good example of avoiding confrontation.
It is believed by many that Ghouri had attacked many more times and had been defeated but was allowed to go free. Regarded as one of the costliest mistakes of history, Mohammad Ghouri returned with a stronger and much larger army in 1192 CE. Prithviraj was defeated. Ghouri had Prithviraj's eyes gouged out and killed him mercilessly. Islam got a foothold in India after the defeat of Prithviraj, and most of Punjab, parts of Bihar, Bengal and parts of Gujarat fell under the rule of Ghouri.
Going back to the Mahabharata, Asvathama, who fought for the Kauravas, killed all the children of the Pandavas. When he was caught by the Pandavas, they decided to let him go because he was a Brahmin. In fact, Asvathama was Brahmin only by birth. By Karma, he was a Kshatriya. The same Asvathama at a later stage fired a powerful nuclear arrow towards the pregnant Uttara.
Once again, Lord Krishna had to appear and protect Uttara. Had Asvathama succeeded, he would have obliterated all the future Pandava dynasty. Here we see the urge of the Pandavas to go by the rules of Dharma and follow a moral code. Lord Krishna himself insisted to Arjuna that in some cases, the moral rules would need to be ignored.
The first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Nehru, believed that India did not need an army at all. He reasoned that India was a land of Ahimsa and so would not need to fight anyone. In 1962, China invaded India and has since occupied 38,000 km² of the Aksai Chin region in Kashmir, which is an extension of the Tibetan plateau. One can see here again a tendency to avoid any confrontation and naively believe the other party will play fair.
In 1965, Pakistan launched Operation Gibraltar against India. It was designed to infiltrate soldiers into Jammu and Kashmir and cause an uprising. Under international pressure, the then PM Lal Bahadur Shastri went to Tashkent and signed a peace treaty with Pakistan. While there, he died mysteriously. The treaty called upon both sides not to interfere in each other's affairs. It was not worth the paper it was written on.
In 1971, another war broke out between India and Pakistan. India won the war, which resulted in the creation of Bangladesh. Even though India won the war, it failed to grasp any long-term gains. Indeed, Bangladesh was quick to ask the Indian army to leave once they had been liberated.
The same Bangladesh today has turned against India and is persecuting Hindus. Following the 1971 war, the then PM Indira Gandhi and Pakistan PM Bhutto signed the Shimla Agreement. Both nations committed to establish peaceful coexistence and mutual respect. Again, an agreement not worth the piece of paper it was written on. Indian forces had captured around 15,010 km² (5,795 sq mi) of land during the war but returned it after the Shimla Agreement as a gesture of goodwill.
In 1984, under Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, the Indian Army launched Operation Meghdoot, a military operation to seize control of the Siachen Glacier. This operation was a pre-emptive move as it was believed that Pakistan was also planning to take control of the glacier. In spite of the Pakistani attacks, India granted it MFN (Most Favoured Nation for trade purposes) status in 1996. However, Pakistan did not reciprocate. India withdrew its MFN status in February 2019 following the Pulwama attack.
On 20 February 1999, PM Vajpayee visited Pakistan and signed the Lahore Declaration. It was hailed as a turning point in relations between the two countries. However, in a classic case of treachery, just a few months later between May and July, under the leadership of Chief of Army Pervez Musharraf, the Pakistan army occupied Indian territory in Kargil. Some Indian soldiers protecting the area had their eyes gouged out.
India successfully dislodged the Pakistani occupiers. In the conflict, 527 Indian soldiers were killed and 1,363 wounded. India's Jat Regiment managed to occupy a strategically important mountain peak on the Pakistani side of the LoC near Dras, Point 5070, and subsequently renamed it Balwan.
On 24 December 1999, Indian Airlines Flight 814, commonly known as IC 814, was hijacked by five members of Harkat-ul-Mujahideen. A plan to send in commandos to neutralise the terrorists did not materialise. The then PM Vajpayee agreed to release three terrorists in exchange for the release of 160 passengers.
Of the terrorists released, Omar Sheikh went on to finance one of the hijackers of the 9/11 attacks and the kidnap and murder of American journalist Daniel Pearl. Maulana Masood Azhar formed Jaish-e-Mohammed, a United Nations-designated terrorist organisation. Maulana Masood was the mastermind behind the Parliament attacks in 2001, the 2016 attacks on the Indian Air Force base in Pathankot, and the killing of CRPF jawans in 2019 in Pulwama. He is responsible for hundreds of Indian deaths.
After the attack on Parliament, the then PM Vajpayee mobilised the army to attack Pakistan. Once again, due to international pressure, PM Vajpayee stopped the army which was eager to launch an invasion. LeT, the other terrorist organisation co-founded by Hafiz Saeed, is also responsible for many attacks on India.
The blasts in Delhi in October 2005 killed four people. On 11 July 2006, seven blasts ripped through trains in the evening rush hour in Mumbai. 189 people were killed and more than 800 were injured. The 26/11 Mumbai attacks in November 2008 claimed 166 lives. The terrorists held the whole country to ransom for three days.
India had to retaliate but PM Manmohan Singh and the Congress party decided against taking any action. One of the reasons given was that India would gain world sympathy — a classic case of avoiding confrontation at any cost.
LeT also masterminded the Uri army base attack, killing 19 soldiers in September 2016. For the first time under the Prime Ministership of Modi, India took offensive action. On 29 September 2016, teams of Indian Army Para (Special Forces) crossed the Line of Control into Pakistani-administered Kashmir to attack targets up to a kilometre within territory held by Pakistan. Around 35 to 40 Pakistani soldiers were killed or injured.
In 2010, a bomb blast in a crowded bakery in the city of Pune killed nine people and wounded 57. Through all this, ‘cultural’ exchanges were going on between the two countries. In December 2015, PM Modi made an impromptu visit to Lahore as a goodwill gesture and met PM Sharif. Unfortunately, in Pakistan, it is the military which calls the shots, not the governing parties.
After the Pulwama attack, PM Modi targeted the terrorists inside Pakistan with a missile attack. However, it seems to have had little impact on the terror groups. They carried out the dastardly act of killing 26 Hindus in Kashmir on 26 April 2025. PM Modi ordered attacks on nine terrorist hubs.
However, the mini conflict came to an abrupt end and both India and Pakistan declared a ceasefire. What assurances India received from Pakistan is not clear. Indeed, terrorists from Pakistan have already attempted two terror attacks but were neutralised by the Indian army. India could have demanded the release of Kulbushan Yadav, who has been incarcerated in Pakistan on spying charges for nine years.
Though India has always come out on top on the war front, on the negotiating table it seems to surrender all the gains with little in return. Pakistan-based terrorists have killed hundreds of Indian soldiers over the decades and got away with it.
India needs to revisit the great political master Chanakya and his treatise Arthashastra on war and peace.
(Nitin Mehta is a writer and commentator on Indian culture and philosophy. He has contributed extensively to discussions on Hinduism, spirituality, and the role of Gurus in modern society. You can find more of his work at www.nitinmehta.co.uk.)
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The mainstream print media in India, both in English and regional languages, has remained largely responsible and sober
MISINFORMATION and disinformation are not new in the age of social media, but India’s mainstream news channels peddling them during a time of war was a new low.
Hours after India launched Operation Sindoor, most channels went into overdrive with ‘breaking news’ meant to shock, or worse, excite.
Channels beamed blurry images of the Pakistan attack on Indian territory with nearly 400 drones last Thursday (8) night, on a loop, and news tickers announced an Indian advance into enemy territory.
They claimed a Pakistani fighter pilot had been captured alive in Punjab, only to revise it a while later to say that not one, but two were in India’s custody. Minutes later came reports of an aerial attack in Islamabad, right next to the house of Pakistan’s prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, and claims that he had taken shelter in a bunker.
Before one could process why India, known for its restraint, would escalate tensions at this scale on just the second day of attack, the next salvo of misinformation was launched – the Indian Navy had ‘destroyed’ the Karachi port, accompanied by images of a ravaged facility.
The next report claimed Pakistan Army chief Asim Munir had been ousted in a coup and was being held in ‘custody’ (by whom was anybody’s guess). These ‘news’ items painted a picture of unprecedented aggression by one nuclear state against another.
Except, none of these stories were true. The defence press briefing last Friday (9) made no mention of captured pilots, an attack on Karachi port, or any development concerning Munir.
Indian fact-checkers debunked the videos of the Karachi port attack aired by some channels as footage from a 2020 BBC report from Gaza.
Last Sunday (11), clarity emerged when India’s director general of naval operations said that Indian battleships were stationed “with full readiness and capacity to strike select targets, including Karachi,” laying to rest speculation of an attack on the port. The Indian defence establishment also confirmed it had ‘downed’ Pakistani fighter jets, but made no mention of any ‘captured’ pilots.
The Indian news channels’ false reporting was called out by social media users within hours, prompting many to backtrack and apologise. A few also faced criticism for their warmongering – one ‘expert’ on a channel declared mazaa (fun) would begin when Pakistan attacks India.
Another example of the channels’ insensitivity was the use of AI-generated images and graphics – one depicting an enraged Indian prime minister Narendra Modi trampling a cowering Sharif – which trivialised the conflict and framed it as little more than a high-stakes cricket match between the two nations.
Some Indian media houses reported that similar fake news was being broadcast by Pakistani outlets. However, for someone in India, where I live, it has become nearly impossible to verify what the media is reporting on the other side of the border, as the government has banned access to Pakistani news channels, including Dawn and Geo News.
Several Indian news websites, including The Wire – co-founded by a former editor of The Hindu – also faced bans (in this case, the restriction was lifted a day later).
Amid all this, the mainstream print media, both in English and regional languages, has remained largely responsible and sober, refraining from whipping up passions. Many news websites have done the same.
If the ceasefire doesn’t hold, this could become the first major war that Indians witness in the age of private news channels and social media. Whether the screens will make the proverbial fog of war even thicker remains to be seen.
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A vivid depiction of the Kurukshetra battlefield, where Arjuna and Krishna stand amidst the chaos, embodying the eternal conflict between duty and morality
War and peace have exercised the minds of human beings for as far back as history goes. It is no wonder then that the Mahabharata war, which took place over 5,000 years ago, became a moment of intense discussion between Lord Krishna and Arjuna.
Hundreds of thousands of people on either side were ready to begin battle on the site of Kurukshetra. Seeing the armies and his near and dear combatants, Arjuna lost the will to fight. How could he fight his grandfather Bhisma and his guru Dronacharya? He asked Krishna what all the bloodshed would achieve.
Krishna replied that every effort to resolve the conflict had been blocked by Duryodhana. Duryodhana had refused to give the Pandavas even a needlepoint of land, despite Lord Krishna's peace proposal that they accept just five villages. Krishna urged and convinced Arjuna that it was his dharma to fight a righteous war, even if it came with painful consequences.
While war is characterised by violence and destruction, it can also be a catalyst for peace negotiations and treaties.
Charles Minard's iconic flow map illustrating Napoleon's ill-fated invasion of Russia, highlighting the vast distances and severe lossesAge of Revolution
The great political master Chanakya (350–275 BCE), guru of Chandragupta of the mighty Maurya empire, wrote the famous treatise Arthashastra. In it, he describes in detail the steps one must take to wage war. Kautilya suggested four policies: conciliation (sama), compensation (dana, or gifts to adversaries to pacify them), dissension (bheda, creating divisions within adversaries), and force (danda, attack). These could be used singly or in combination, depending on the context.
However, like Krishna, Chanakya advocated war only when all other alternatives were exhausted.
According to Von Clausewitz, a military theorist (1780–1831), “War is merely continuation of a policy by other means.” He believed military objectives that support political aims fall into two broad types: wars to achieve limited goals, and wars to disarm the enemy—rendering them politically helpless or militarily impotent.
After suffering years of terrorist violence and the recent brutal killings of Hindus in Kashmir, India feels it has exhausted all avenues of peace with Pakistan.
There has also been a school of thought which rejects war altogether. Leo Tolstoy, author of War and Peace, had strong anti-war sentiments, expressed through his writings and personal life. In his book, he chronicled the French invasion of Russia in 1812, led by Napoleon Bonaparte.
Vivid depiction of the Kurukshetra battlefield, showcasing Arjuna and Krishna in the chariot amidst the chaos of warAmazon
Tolstoy himself fought in the Crimean War (1853–1856), a conflict between the Russian Empire and an alliance of the Ottoman Empire, the Second French Empire, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont. Sardinia is an island and autonomous region of Italy.
Tolstoy believed war was inherently unjust and a product of government actions, rather than the people's interests. He emphasised the importance of love—both human and divine—as a force for peace and against the brutality of conflict.
Christians have a concept called a Just War, taken up only as a last resort. They also had the doctrine of holy wars called the Crusades, meant to recapture occupied territories. This idea is now considered a shibboleth.
The current Russia-Ukraine war has brought some interesting observations, according to Benjamin Jensen, director of the Futures Lab and senior fellow for the Defence and Security Department at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies.
He points out that the war has shown the rise of drone warfare and electronic warfare as defining features of modern conflict. Long-range attack drones have played a crucial role.
After the Russian invasion in February 2022, then-Ukrainian ambassador to India, Igor Polikha, urged PM Modi to help stop the war. He said India had qualified in diplomacy through Kautilya several thousand years ago, when Europe had no civilisation.
Unfortunately, President Zelensky of Ukraine has presided over the destruction of his country, having failed on both diplomatic and military fronts.
(Nitin Mehta is a writer and commentator on Indian culture and philosophy. He has contributed extensively to discussions on Hinduism, spirituality, and the role of Gurus in modern society. You can find more of his work at www.nitinmehta.co.uk.)
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